General election poll: the left would gain seats if united, but the 'Rufián operation' would not prevent a majority for PP and Vox

Two electoral simulations published by La Razón and El Español agree on a central idea: the unity of the space to the left of the PSOE would improve its performance in seats, but would not be enough to build an alternative majority. NC Report calculates that a broad coalition could reach up to 38 deputies, while SocioMétrica places the so-called "Rufián operation" at 37 seats and maintains PP and Vox with an absolute majority.

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The left wing located to the left of the PSOE would improve its result in seats if it ran united in the next general elections, but that unity would not be enough to re-establish an alternative majority against PP and Vox.

That is the common conclusion of two simulations published by La Razón and El Español based on polls from NC Report and SocioMétrica. Both analyze what would happen if Sumar, Podemos, and other left-wing forces tried to recompose the space before the next general elections.

La Razón, together with NC Report, proposes several coalition scenarios. The broadest one - Sumar, Podemos, ERC, EH Bildu, and BNG - would go from a range of 25-27 seats separately to between 34 and 38 deputies if they ran together.

El Español, with SocioMétrica, analyzes a more concrete hypothesis: a candidacy headed by Gabriel Rufián along with Sumar and Podemos. That platform would achieve 37 seats, but would not prevent PP and Vox from retaining a broad absolute majority with 195 deputies.

Unity improves the result, but does not change the majority

Both polls point in the same direction: fragmentation penalizes the left and unity improves its translation into seats.

The reason lies in the electoral system. In many small and medium-sized provinces, running divided can leave candidacies that do accumulate enough votes nationally out of the distribution. A joint list concentrates support, better overcomes effective thresholds, and competes with more options for the last seats.

But the improvement is not enough to change the winning bloc. In both the NC Report simulation and the SocioMétrica one, PP and Vox would remain above the absolute majority.

La Razón's scenario: up to 38 seats if Sumar, Podemos, ERC, EH Bildu, and BNG unite

La Razón's analysis with NC Report starts from a scenario without broad agreement.

In that hypothesis, Sumar would obtain between 8 and 10 seats, ERC would remain at 7, EH Bildu at 6, Podemos between 2 and 3, and BNG would rise to 2. In total, the space would add between 25 and 27 deputies and 13.9% of the votes.

The situation changes if a broad coalition occurs between Sumar, Podemos, ERC, EH Bildu, and BNG. With the same votes, that bloc would move to a range of between 34 and 38 seats.

The gain would be between 7 and 13 deputies just for running together.

Sumar and Podemos together would already improve the distribution

La Razón also analyzes an intermediate scenario: that Sumar and Podemos run together again, but without integrating ERC, EH Bildu, and BNG.

In that case, the sum of Sumar and Podemos would go from the 10-13 seats they would obtain separately to a range of between 18 and 20 deputies.

The improvement would be significant, although still far from the 31 seats achieved by Sumar in the general elections of 2023, when Podemos ran within the coalition.

That scenario would also have an effect on PP and Vox: the union of Sumar and Podemos could subtract between 3 and 11 deputies from the right-wing bloc, according to the simulation.

The “Rufián operation” would reach 37 seats

The simulation published by El Español with SocioMétrica gives a proper name to a different hypothesis: a candidacy headed by Gabriel Rufián along with Sumar and Podemos.

According to that poll, the so-called “Rufián operation” would obtain 13.3% of the votes and 37 seats in Congress. It would be the fourth national force, behind PP, PSOE, and Vox.

The platform would absorb the 10 deputies that Sumar and Podemos would currently add separately, but it would also obtain seats from other spaces: 14 would come from PSOE, 10 from PP and Vox, and 3 from ERC and Junts.

PSOE would be the main victim in SocioMétrica's hypothesis

The big difference between the two approaches is the impact on PSOE. In SocioMétrica's simulation, Rufián's candidacy would reorder the left-wing space, but it would do so at the cost of weakening PSOE. The socialists would go from 103 deputies in the base scenario to 89 seats.

That result would place PSOE at its second-worst performance in democracy, only above the 85 seats obtained in 2016.

The reading is clear: a strong left-wing candidacy could improve the performance of the alternative space, but it would also absorb socialist votes and reduce the parliamentary weight of PSOE.

PP and Vox would continue with an absolute majority

The political key is that neither of the two simulations allows for an alternative majority.

In the SocioMétrica scenario published by El Español, PP and Vox would decrease compared to the scenario without Rufián's candidacy, but they would continue to add up to 195 seats.

The PP would go from 147 to 141 deputies, and Vox from 58 to 54. Together they would lose 10 seats, but they would continue to be 19 above the absolute majority.

The left gains efficiency, not a majority

The common point between La Razón and El Español is that the left would gain electoral efficiency if it reduces its fragmentation.

A united space can dispute the last seats in provinces where several separate candidacies fall below the practical threshold. It can also improve its position as the fourth force and prevent EH Bildu, Sumar, or Podemos from competing with each other for a reduced space.

But that efficiency does not compensate for the PSOE's decline or the accumulated advantage of PP and Vox.

The dilemma for Sumar and Podemos

For Sumar and Podemos, the simulations leave an uncomfortable conclusion: separated they lose strength; together they improve, but do not recover the level of 23J.

La Razón calculates that a joint candidacy of Sumar and Podemos would reach between 18 and 20 seats. El Español, in its hypothesis of a platform with Rufián, raises the space to 37 deputies, but with a much broader structure and with effects on the PSOE, ERC, and Junts.

The political problem is that the most effective formula in terms of seats may also be the most difficult to agree upon.

ERC, EH Bildu, and BNG do not have the same incentive

The hypothesis of a grand left-wing coalition with sovereigntist parties faces obvious obstacles.

ERC, EH Bildu, and BNG are strong forces in their territories and have their own incentives to maintain their brand, political profile, and parliamentary autonomy.

Furthermore, integrating state and sovereigntist forces into a single platform would require resolving very sensitive programmatic issues, such as the right to self-determination, the relationship with the PSOE, or the investiture strategy.

Rufián turns the debate into a question of leadership

Gabriel Rufián's hypothesis adds a new element: leadership.

It is not just about whether Sumar and Podemos should run together. The operation proposed by SocioMétrica imagines a platform with a recognizable face, the ability to attract sovereigntist votes, and the ambition to occupy the space of the alternative left.

That move could mobilize abstentionists and concentrate dispersed votes. But it would also strain the PSOE, ERC, and the rest of the territorial forces.

The PSOE is caught between two risks

For the PSOE, the dilemma is complex.

If Sumar, Podemos, and the rest of the space run divided, the progressive bloc loses seats due to fragmentation and PP and Vox benefit from the distribution.

But if a strong unitary candidacy emerges to its left, the PSOE may lose even more deputies due to direct vote transfer.

SocioMétrica's simulation is particularly harsh on that point: the Rufián operation would raise the new bloc to 37 seats, but would leave the PSOE at 89.

Comparison of the two surveys

La Razón and El Español do not measure exactly the same thing, but they do describe the same underlying problem.

La Razón analyzes the mechanical effect of different coalitions on the distribution of seats. Its conclusion is that Sumar, Podemos, ERC, EH Bildu, and BNG could gain between 7 and 13 deputies if they ran together.

El Español measures a specific political hypothesis: a platform led by Rufián along with Sumar and Podemos. Its conclusion is that it would achieve 37 seats, but would not prevent an absolute majority for PP and Vox.

The shared idea is clear: the left can improve if it unites, but the deterioration of the PSOE and the advantage of the PP-Vox bloc remain too great.

Scenarios of left-wing unity                                                                                                                                                                        

Source Scenario analyzed Estimated result Main effect
La Razón / NC Report Sumar, Podemos, ERC, EH Bildu, and BNG separately 25-27 seats Fragmentation of the space to the left of the PSOE
La Razón / NC Report Sumar + Podemos together 18-20 seats Improvement compared to running separately
La Razón / NC Report Sumar + Podemos + ERC + EH Bildu + BNG 34-38 seats Gain of 7 to 13 deputies due to vote concentration
El Español / SocioMétrica "Operación Rufián" with Sumar and Podemos 37 seats Fourth national force, but without preventing a majority for PP and Vox

Impact of the "Operación Rufián" according to SocioMétrica                                                                                                                                                                        

Indicator Data
Estimated vote for the candidacy 13.3%
Estimated seats 37
Seats that would come from the PSOE 14
Seats that would come from PP and Vox 10
Seats that would come from ERC and Junts 3
PSOE's result in that scenario 89 seats
Combined result of PP and Vox 195 seats

More key points, information and questions with FREN

AI-GENERATED CONTENT

What is the current status of the possible negotiation of an electoral coalition between Sumar, Podemos, ERC, EH Bildu, and BNG for the upcoming general elections?

What are the competencies and political trajectory of Gabriel Rufián, and which party does he belong to?

Gabriel Rufián is a deputy of the Congress of Deputies for the party Esquerra Republicana, integrated in the Republican Parliamentary Group in the Congress. Within this group, he serves as Main Spokesperson in the Board of Spokespersons, positioning him as the main parliamentary reference of his formation. His competencies are mainly articulated through multiple positions in ordinary, mixed, and investigative committees, where he acts as spokesperson, member, or assigned member. The political trajectory reflected by the sources focuses on his intense activity in key committees of the current legislature, especially in constitutional matters, interior, foreign affairs, and various investigative committees.

Party and parliamentary group

According to political grouping data, Gabriel Rufián is linked to the group Esquerra Republicana. In the Congress, he is part of the Republican Parliamentary Group in the Congress, which is the group through which he carries out his activity as a deputy.

Within this group, he holds the position of:

  • Main Spokesperson of the Republican Parliamentary Group in the Board of Spokespersons of the Congress (since 09/14/2023, current position).

This role grants him a central role in negotiating and defending the political position of Esquerra Republicana in the lower chamber, both in setting the agenda and in dialogue with the Presidency and other groups.

Competencies through committees and bodies of the Congress

Current positions in committees and bodies of the Chamber

Gabriel Rufián's specific political competencies mainly derive from the positions he holds in various committees of the Congress of Deputies. Among his current responsibilities are:

  • Member of the Permanent Deputation (since 11/21/2023).
  • Spokesperson in the Constitutional Committee (since 12/04/2023).
  • Spokesperson in the Interior Committee (since 12/04/2023).
  • Assigned member to the Committee on Labor, Social Economy, Inclusion, Social Security, and Migrations (since 12/04/2023).
  • Assigned member to the Committee for Monitoring and Evaluation of the Toledo Pact Agreements (since 12/04/2023).
  • Member of the Committee for Control of Credits Allocated to Reserved Expenses (since 12/19/2023).
  • Spokesperson in the Investigation Committee on the so-called “Operation Catalonia” (since 02/28/2024).
  • Spokesperson in the Investigation Committee on the Right to Know the Truth and the Implications Derived from the Barcelona and Cambrils Attacks of August 17, 2017 (since 02/28/2024).
  • Member of the Consultative Committee on Appointments (since 07/16/2024).
  • Assigned member to the Mixed Committee for the European Union (since 08/05/2024).
  • Assigned member to the Mixed Committee for Relations with the Court of Auditors (since 10/09/2024).
  • Assigned member to the Foreign Affairs Committee (since 04/10/2025).
  • Member of the Investigation Committee on the Management of the Crisis Derived from the DANA of October 29, 2024 (since 05/21/2025).

These positions reflect very broad competencies: from participation in the general political direction of the Chamber (Board of Spokespersons, Permanent Deputation) to sensitive areas such as control of reserved expenses, interior policy, pensions (Toledo Pact), constitutional legislation, foreign policy, and evaluation of major crises and parliamentary investigations.

Recent and historical positions in committees

In addition to his current responsibilities, the sources record several positions already concluded that are part of his recent trajectory in the current legislature:

  • Spokesperson in the Foreign Affairs Committee (12/04/2023–04/10/2025).
  • Assigned member to the Mixed Committee for the European Union (12/12/2023–06/06/2024), and later Spokesperson in the same Committee (06/06/2024–06/21/2024).
  • Spokesperson in the Investigation Committee on the Right to Know the Truth and the Implications Derived from the Barcelona and Cambrils Attacks (02/28/2024–01/29/2026, according to a historical record).
  • Spokesperson in the Investigation Committee on Espionage through Pegasus and Candiru Malware (02/28/2024–10/28/2024).
  • Member and later Spokesperson in the Investigation Committee on the Contracting of Medical Supplies during the Covid-19 Crisis (04/02/2024–10/02/2024).
  • Member in a previous phase of the Investigation Committee on the Management of the Crisis Derived from the DANA (05/21/2025–01/29/2026, as a historical record prior to the current position).

The set of these functions shows a parliamentary trajectory very oriented towards control and investigative activity, as well as key areas of the institutional architecture (Constitutional, Interior, Foreign Affairs, European Union). No further information is available in the consulted sources about earlier stages of his political career outside the current legislature or about other internal positions in Esquerra Republicana.

Summary of competencies and political profile

In summary, Gabriel Rufián is a leader of Esquerra Republicana with significant weight in the Congress as main spokesperson of the Republican Group and as a central figure in several strategic committees. His competencies focus on the political leadership of the group, legislative action in constitutional, interior, and foreign policy matters, and a very prominent role in investigative committees on cases such as “Operation Catalonia,” the Barcelona and Cambrils attacks, the use of Pegasus, contracting during the pandemic, and the management of the 2024 DANA. The available information mainly refers to the current legislature in the Congress of Deputies.

What real weight does the role of spokesperson of the Republican Parliamentary Group held by Gabriel Rufián have in daily parliamentary negotiation? What have the investigative committees in which Gabriel Rufián acts as spokesperson consisted of, and what results have they had so far? How is Gabriel Rufián's activity coordinated in the Constitutional, Interior, and Foreign Affairs Committees with the general strategy of Esquerra Republicana in the Congress?

What results did PP and Vox obtain in the last general elections and how many deputies does each currently have?

In the general elections to the Congress on July 23, 2023, the PP obtained approximately 33.1% of the nationwide vote and 137 seats, while Vox achieved around 12.4% of the votes and 33 seats, according to official data from the Ministry of the Interior disseminated, among others, by RTVE. In the current XV Legislature, these are also the numbers each party holds in the Congress: 137 deputies for PP and 33 for Vox. That is, despite numerous individual resignations and replacements of parliamentarians, there have been no net changes in the distribution of seats for PP and Vox since the 2023 elections.

Results of PP and Vox on 23-J 2023

The figures from the last general elections can be summarized as follows:

  • People's Party (PP)
    • Nationwide vote: around 33.1% of the votes cast.
    • Seats: 137 deputies in the Congress.
  • Vox
    • Nationwide vote: around 12.4% of the total votes.
    • Seats: 33 deputies in the Congress.

These data appear in the consolidated official results published by the Ministry of the Interior and result platforms such as RTVE's website on the 2023 general elections (see, for example, the summary of results on RTVE's page about the 2023 general elections or aggregated analyses from media like Wikipedia, ABC, El Mundo, or the dossier from EPData).

PP was the leading force in seats and votes, although far from an absolute majority (176 deputies), while Vox fell from its 2019 peak (52 deputies then), but retained a relevant representation as the third force. The newspaper Demócrata frames this parliamentary arithmetic when analyzing the role of PP and Vox as an opposition bloc of 171 seats together with UPN in the current legislature in pieces like “Partners who pressure but do not strangle”.

Current number of deputies of PP and Vox

Regarding the current situation in the Congress (ongoing XV Legislature), available information indicates that the same distribution from the polls remains:

  • PP: 137 deputies.
  • Vox: 33 deputies.

Demócrata's news about resignations and replacements in the Chamber explains that there has been significant seat rotation, but without altering the totals of each party. For example:

Additionally, multiple recent parliamentary chronicles take for granted, when describing votes and majorities, that the People's Group maintains 137 seats and Vox keeps its 33 deputies. For example, the analysis on right- and left-wing arithmetic in the Congress published in autumn 2025 by Demócrata, “Average of polls: PP would approach 150 seats…”, systematically compares polling projections with a current base of 137 seats for PP and 33 for Vox, and the piece on parliamentary pressure on the Government regarding labor matters, “The challenges of Yolanda Díaz's agenda”, describes the right-wing bloc adding 137 (PP) + 33 (Vox) + 7 (Junts) + 5 (PNV) + 1 (UPN) = 183 deputies.

In summary: from the point of view of seats, both PP and Vox today retain exactly the same parliamentary strength they obtained at the polls on 23-J 2023. The numerous internal replacements have changed names and profiles, but not the numerical weight of each party in the Congress.

How was the rest of the Congress (PSOE, Sumar, and nationalist parties) distributed after the 2023 general elections? What impact does the fact that PP and Vox sum 170 seats have on the Government's ability to pass laws and decrees? What individual changes (resignations, replacements) have occurred among PP and Vox deputies since August 2023?

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What effect would a unified candidacy of Sumar, Podemos, ERC, EH Bildu, and BNG have according to the NC Report simulation for La Razón?

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