The UDEF attributes to Zapatero a supposed influence scheme in Bolivia to favor the Gloria Group

The judicial investigation into the alleged influence peddling scheme attributed to José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero is currently in the investigation phase at the National Court, with a formally opened criminal case. Zapatero is charged/investigated and has already been summoned to testify as such, within the framework of the so-called Plus Ultra case, linked to the public bailout of the airline for 53 million euros. The competent body is the Central Investigative Court No. 4, presided over by Judge José Luis Calama, and alleged crimes of criminal organization, influence peddling, document forgery, and money laundering are being investigated. The case remains open, with no oral trial scheduled, and investigative proceedings are ongoing, including international cooperation and precautionary measures of a patrimonial nature.

Judicial body and nature of the case

According to available information, the investigation is lodged in the National Court, specifically in the Central Investigative Court No. 4, led by Magistrate José Luis Calama. It is an open criminal case concerning the so-called Plus Ultra case, which connects the public bailout of the airline with an alleged stable structure of influence peddling and money laundering.

Several reports indicate that the judge considers Zapatero not only as a participant but as the alleged “leader” or “apex” of an organized and hierarchical influence peddling structure, with corporate and financial branches abroad. This classification translates into his procedural status as investigated/charged, not as a witness or merely mentioned in complaints.

Procedural status: investigation phase and formal charge

The case is in the investigation phase, that is, the stage in which the investigating judge directs the inquiry to determine if there is sufficient evidence to open an oral trial. Sources point out that the investigation is at an “initial” or “embryonic” moment, despite significant procedural decisions having already been made:

• The summary secrecy has been lifted and the defense of the former president has received a very significant volume of documentation (talks of hundreds of files and thousands of pages).
• Zapatero is formally charged and has been summoned to testify as an investigated person before the National Court; reports place this appearance on June 2, making him the first former Prime Minister to testify charged in a case of alleged corruption in this forum.
• There is no record of the opening of an oral trial nor the adoption of burdensome personal measures (such as provisional imprisonment); the case remains under investigation.

Investigative proceedings and precautionary measures

At this stage, Judge Calama has ordered a set of investigative proceedings and precautionary measures of an economic and documentary nature:

• Seizure and immobilization of funds: the National Court has blocked around 490,000 euros in a bank account linked to Zapatero, as a precautionary measure to secure possible future pecuniary liabilities.
• Asset and corporate analysis: million-dollar transfers, financial operations, and corporate structures are being investigated, including the creation of offshore companies (for example, a company in Dubai) aimed at channeling alleged commissions.
• Documentation and communications: emails, documents sent or managed by his environment, and economic movements related to people in his family and professional circle are being examined, within the limits set by the investigation order.
• International cooperation: letters rogatory and collaboration with authorities from other countries (such as France or Switzerland) have been activated to trace the money and clarify the origin and destination of certain operations.

Crimes investigated and scope of the charge

The National Court’s order provisionally frames the facts as a combination of alleged crimes of criminal organization, influence peddling, document forgery, and money laundering. Within this framework, Zapatero appears as the alleged organizer or leader of a network that would have exploited his political and institutional influence to favor administrative decisions benefiting third parties, notably in the bailout of Plus Ultra.

Alongside the former president, airline officials and other financial intermediaries are also under investigation. The complaint that led to the charge was promoted by the collective Manos Limpias, although various reports emphasize that it was mainly based on press clippings and audiovisual content, adding a strong component of political and media controversy to the case.

Political context and current situation

From the political sphere, socialist leaders have expressed “maximum confidence” that Zapatero will clarify the facts and prove his innocence in court, as reflected, for example, in statements collected by Nueva Economía Fórum. Meanwhile, opposition parties, such as the Popular Party, have used the charge to reopen the debate on the legality and timeliness of the Plus Ultra bailout, as evidenced by their public statements (PP statement).

In summary, to date the investigation remains open and under investigation, with Zapatero charged, precautionary patrimonial measures agreed upon, and a wide range of proceedings underway, without the investigation having been closed nor a decision made on whether to open an oral trial.

For a broader follow-up of the context and the media and political development of the case, the following materials can be consulted, among others: La Sexta, Judiciary Power, Público, eldiario.es, El País, as well as social media communications from some parties, such as Ciudadanos.

There is no specific and verifiable detail available in the consulted sources about the functions and powers of the president of Bolivia according to the country's Constitution. Additionally, this assistant specializes in the political and normative context of Spain, so it is not designed to provide exhaustive analyses of constitutions of other states. Nevertheless, it is possible to generally explain how presidential powers are usually structured in Latin American presidential constitutions and guide on how to locate official and exact information. For legal, academic, or professional use, it is essential to always cross-check with the current Bolivian constitutional text published by the country's own authorities.

General structure of presidential powers in Latin American constitutions

In many Latin American countries with presidential systems, constitutions usually group the powers of the head of state and government (when they coincide in the same person, as is often the case) into several blocks: government and administration faculties, legislative powers, foreign policy competencies, command of the armed forces, and state representation functions. Although each constitution establishes its own model, this scheme allows one to get an idea of how presidential powers are ordered and enumerated.

Typically, the president simultaneously embodies the head of state (internal and external representation, symbol of national unity) and head of government (political direction of the executive). Each country's constitution specifies whether these functions are accumulated in a single figure or distributed among several bodies, and what mechanisms of political and legal control and responsibility are foreseen against possible abuses of power.

Typical functions within the Executive Branch

At the executive level, constitutions usually assign the president the direction of the national public administration, the power to appoint and remove ministers and other high officials, and the conduction of public policies. This implies approving government plans, coordinating with different ministries, and overseeing the execution of the budget authorized by the legislative power.

It is also common for the president to have regulatory powers, that is, the capacity to issue decrees and general norms to develop laws and organize the administration. The scope of this regulatory power varies according to the constitution: in some cases, it is very limited to mere execution of laws; in others, a broader margin is allowed, always subordinate to the constitutional and legal text.

Relations with the Legislative Branch

In presidential systems, the president usually has a complex relationship with the legislative body (Congress or Assembly). Normally, the constitution recognizes the president's legislative initiative, that is, the capacity to present bills on certain matters. Likewise, the president is attributed functions of promulgation and publication of laws approved by the legislature.

Another frequent faculty is the veto: the president can oppose, totally or partially, laws approved by the assembly, forcing it to reconsider them. The way to override that veto (simple majorities, qualified majorities, deadlines, etc.) depends on each constitution. Without specific information access, it is not possible to detail exactly how this institution is articulated in the Bolivian case, so any concrete reference would require direct consultation of the country's constitutional text.

Foreign policy and defense

In international relations, constitutions usually assign the president the representation of the state before other countries and international organizations. This includes the power to direct foreign policy, sign treaties and international agreements (generally subject to legislative ratification), and appoint ambassadors and diplomatic representatives.

In the defense field, it is common for the president to be the commander-in-chief or supreme head of the armed forces. The respective constitution establishes limits, civil control mechanisms, and the participation of other state powers (for example, requiring legislative authorization to declare war, approve states of exception, or send troops abroad). Without the Bolivian constitutional text available in the sources, it is not possible to detail the concrete scope of these powers in that country.

Responsibility, controls, and constitutional limits

Alongside the powers, every constitution defines the controls and responsibilities of the president. Procedures for criminal or political responsibility for crimes committed in the exercise of their functions are usually regulated, as well as cases of impeachment or removal. These mechanisms seek to balance a position with great powers with democratic guarantees and separation of powers.

In short, to know precisely the functions and powers of the president of Bolivia according to its Constitution, it is necessary to consult the current constitutional text, normally available on the official website of the Legislative Assembly, the Constitutional Court, or the Bolivian state itself. This assistant, focused on the Spanish political and normative context and without access to specific sources on Bolivia, cannot offer a detailed and reliable list of articles, so any analysis must be built directly on the official Bolivian Constitution.

María Nela Prada Tejada is a Bolivian diplomat and politician born in Santa Cruz de la Sierra in 1981, known for being the first woman to hold the Ministry of the Presidency in Bolivia during Luis Arce's government (2020‑2025). Her trajectory combines activism in the Movement for Socialism (MAS), technical positions in the economic area, and strong public exposure on social justice and gender issues. Besides her institutional work, her name appears in investigations about an alleged influence peddling scheme linked to business conflicts, as reported by the Spanish press. After the arrest of former president Arce in 2025, she has remained one of his main political defenders.

Origins, education, and family background

Prada was born on January 24, 1981, in Santa Cruz de la Sierra, in a family marked by politics from ideologically opposed positions. Her father, Ramón Prada Vacadiez, was a recognized right-wing leader, prefect of Santa Cruz, and a key figure of the Nationalist Democratic Action (ADN), while her mother, Betty Tejada, was a deputy and even presided over the Chamber of Deputies for MAS-IPSP, of left-wing orientation, as detailed in Wikipedia and the profile published by the newspaper Opinión. This family tension between right and left is a defining feature of her political biography.

She completed her schooling at a Catholic school run by nuns (UBOLDI) in Santa Cruz, graduating high school in 1998. Later, she earned a degree in International Relations and completed a master's in State Planning and Economics, training that oriented her towards public economic management. Various sources indicate she is fluent in three languages, which strengthened her profile as a MAS technical cadre (Unitel, Viquipèdia).

Early activism and technical positions

In 2005, she joined MAS activism, breaking with her father's right-wing tradition and aligning with social movements from the country's south, according to profiles collected in Urgente.bo and Opinión. For about 14 years, she developed a political career with low media profile but constant presence in the state apparatus.

Among her first positions stands out the Direction of the Bolivian Port Services Administration (ASPB) in 2011, where she was linked to logistics and commercial issues. Later, she served as chief of staff at the Ministry of Economy and Public Finance during Evo Morales's administration, working closely with then Minister Luis Arce. This trust link with Arce would be decisive for her later appointment as minister.

Minister of the Presidency (2020‑2025)

On November 9, 2020, after MAS's electoral victory, Prada was sworn in as Minister of the Presidency, becoming the first woman in Bolivian history to hold that position (Wikipedia, Unitel). Her ministry was conceived as a key piece to articulate the relationship between the Executive, social movements, and MAS's historic leader, Evo Morales, something she herself claimed in interviews such as the one published by El País.

Her lines of action were framed in a strongly anti-colonial and regional integration discourse (“Patria Grande”), with explicit admiration for figures like Hugo Chávez, Fidel Castro, or Che Guevara, according to the profile in Opinión. Internally, she emphasized the fight against patriarchy and discrimination against women, reflected in interventions before international organizations on eliminating gender discrimination and in institutional messages disseminated by the Ministry of the Presidency on social media (institutional video, public intervention). She is also presented by MAS youth sectors as one of the main female references of the change process (Generación Evo).

Investigations, controversial cases, and subsequent stage

The Spanish and Bolivian press have linked Prada's name to an alleged influence peddling scheme related to the SOBOCE-FANCESA case. According to the Spanish Central Unit of Economic and Fiscal Crime (UDEF), she would have participated in coordinating meetings between José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero and high Bolivian officials to address a $107 million dispute between the Peruvian cement company SOBOCE and the state-owned FANCESA, as reported by El Demócrata. Reports mention a role of political intermediation, without the cited sources detailing the existence of formal charges against her.

After Arce's term ended in 2025, Prada remained at the forefront of defending the former president. When he was arrested in a case for alleged embezzlement of Indigenous Fund resources, she publicly denounced the detention and interpreted it as political persecution, according to El Demócrata. This reaction reinforces her image as a loyal figure to the MAS project and as a bridge between Arce's leadership and the party's base.

Overall, María Nela Prada's trajectory combines the evolution from an ideologically divided family environment towards coherent left-wing activism, the rise to trusted positions in the economic area, and finally the political leadership of the presidential cabinet, with a profile strongly marked by feminist, anti-colonial discourse and firm defense of the MAS project.