Rajoy responds to Sánchez after France-Spain: "They don't apologize for anything"

The diplomatic relations between Spain and France are going through a moment of political tension but remain formally on track: there is no rupture nor talk of an open “crisis” between governments, although the climate is sensitive. The French government has harshly condemned Mariano Rajoy's words about the French national team playing “without French players,” calling them racist and “pathetic,” while Pedro Sánchez's administration has rushed to distance itself from those statements. Minister José Manuel Albares conveyed to Paris that Rajoy's column “is not the position of the Spanish Government” nor “the majority feeling of Spaniards,” and the French Embassy and ambassador in Madrid insist on the “solid and deep friendship” between the two countries. The main structural friction point is not so much Rajoy as the blockage of the Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation in the Senate by the PP, which France watches with concern but without breaking cooperation.

France's reaction: harsh condemnation but institutional restraint

As reported by the newspaper Demócrata, the French government reacted immediately to Rajoy's column about the French national team. Interior Minister Laurent Nuñez called the comment “absolutely unacceptable” and reminded that the 26 players have French nationality, 23 of them born in France, denouncing that their status is questioned because of skin color or family origin (Demócrata report).

The head of French diplomacy, Jean‑Noël Barrot, went even further: he described Rajoy's words as “stupidity, racism, or a combination of both” and called them “pathetic,” insisting that “France has no skin color” and that the national team shows “the best face” of the country (article about Barrot). Other members of the government, such as Minister Aurore Bergé or Naïma Moutchou, have spoken of “unbearable racist slips” and have even called for studying legal actions in the sports field.

The French Embassy in Spain issued a message emphasizing that “all players of the French national team are French” and that 23 were born in the country, effectively correcting Rajoy's phrase (Demócrata). The ambassador took advantage of a public event to highlight the power of sport to unite, warn against chauvinism, and at the same time emphasize the “solid and deep friendship” that unites France and Spain, which she described as “partners and allies,” stressing that “the Pyrenees do not separate us, they unite us” (Demócrata information).

Response from the Spanish government: distancing and damage control

From Moncloa, the strategy has been to isolate the controversy to Rajoy's figure and, politically, to the PP. Pedro Sánchez accused the former president of “shaming Spain” with “xenophobic statements” and linked the episode to a defense of diversity: “May the best win and racism lose,” he stated on social media (piece about Sánchez and extension).

Foreign Affairs Minister José Manuel Albares has been the main diplomatic firewall. He described Rajoy's words as “absolutely unacceptable,” “hurtful,” and “dangerous,” and insisted that “nothing that covers up racism or xenophobia represents Spain”; in parallel, he emphasized that France is a “friendly, neighboring, and partner” country (initial report and extension).

In a later interview, Albares explained that he had already personally conveyed to his French counterpart that the column “is not the position of the Spanish Government” nor “the overwhelmingly majority feeling of Spaniards,” emphasizing that it is an individual opinion of the former prime minister (analysis in Demócrata). The minister explicitly denied that there is a “diplomatic crisis” with France and insisted that in Paris they “know perfectly well” the official Spanish stance.

Albares and other ministers – such as Félix Bolaños or Fernando Grande‑Marlaska – have also taken the opportunity to link the episode with the PP's attitude towards the Treaty of Friendship, accusing the Popular Party of being an “anti-French party” and practicing “institutional and international hooliganism” (Bolaños, Grande‑Marlaska, general coverage and Demócrata analysis).

Background context: the Treaty of Friendship and the bilateral agenda

The controversy also breaks out amid the processing of the Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation between Spain and France, signed in 2023. The Congress gave the green light to the text in June despite the rejection of PP and Vox (parliamentary report), but the Senate, with a PP majority, has activated a prior appeal of unconstitutionality before the Constitutional Court regarding the article that allows the presence of ministers from the other country in the Council of Ministers, which has again stalled ratification (explanation of the Senate move and live coverage).

The French Embassy in Spain has “taken note” of this appeal, respects it as an internal legal matter, and expresses confidence in a resolution “as soon as possible,” making clear that it will closely follow the next stages of the ratification process (information on the French reaction). Both the French government and French political leaders have described the bilateral relationship as “exceptional” on other occasions and have emphasized the symbolic value of the Treaty (previous analysis).

In Spain, Albares has repeatedly asked the PP to “avoid harming Spain” and support the Treaty in the Senate (public request and other statements), while the PP defends that the problem is legal and accuses the government of a “legislative mess” in the design of the agreement (PP note and Senate information).

Assessment: “stable but sensitive” relationship

With all this, the current assessment can be summarized as follows: the controversy over Rajoy has caused serious political discomfort in Paris and a “small diplomatic mess,” in the words of Minister Elma Saiz (statements collected), but bilateral channels remain open and both governments strive to preserve a common strategic agenda (trade, border, EU, NATO). The combination of this episode with the blockage of the Treaty of Friendship means that the relationship is more monitored and politicized, but so far it has not translated into retaliatory measures or a formal degradation of the diplomatic link.

Other related links mentioned in the coverage

Besides the articles already cited, the controversy and its context have been addressed or tangentially mentioned in: political analysis, PP response, Almeida's statements, Le Pen party reaction, Rajoy's reply, Lamine Yamal's message, MEPs' letter and general coverage about the World Cup and the political role of football such as that of BBC Mundo and other media.

In the background, institutional speeches and notes about Spain's international role, the Treaty of Friendship, and the European context also influence, collected in documents such as the Sánchez's appearance at the European Council, his intervention after another European meeting ([link]), his statements in Nicosia ([link]) or his press conference after the NATO Summit ([link]), as well as notes from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs on diplomacy and defense of democracy ([link]).

Other documents from the PP, PSOE, and various political actors, although not exclusively focused on the Spanish-French relationship, help frame the political climate in which this episode is inserted: PP criticisms, Feijóo's positions, PSOE messages, Juan Espadas's criticisms or collateral debates in Congress such as the reform of opinion crimes ([link]), which often intersect with discussions about racism, xenophobia, and public discourse in Europe.

According to the Spanish Constitution, the President of the Government is the head of the executive power and the highest authority responsible for directing the Government's action and coordinating its ministers. His powers do not appear in a single article but are derived from the section dedicated to the Government and other provisions regulating investiture, political responsibility, dissolution of the Cortes, and states of crisis. Overall, the figure of the President articulates the relationship between the Government, the King, and the Cortes Generales, concentrating the general political direction of the State within the framework of the Spanish Constitution.

1. Headship of Government and political direction

The starting point is Article 97, which establishes that the Government directs domestic and foreign policy, the civil and military administration, and the defense of the State, exercising executive function and regulatory power. Article 98 specifies that the Government is composed of the President, Vice Presidents (if any), and Ministers, and that the President directs the Government's action and coordinates the functions of the other members. This implies that he sets the main lines of government policy, distributes competencies among ministries, and resolves coordination conflicts, always “without prejudice to the direct competence and responsibility” of each minister.

2. Investiture and appointment of the Government

Article 99 regulates the investiture procedure. After the renewal of the Congress, the King proposes a candidate for the Presidency of the Government, after consulting parliamentary groups and through the President of the Congress. The candidate presents his program and requests the confidence of the Chamber. If he obtains an absolute majority in the first vote, or a simple majority in a second vote forty-eight hours later, the King appoints him President.

Once appointed, the President exercises a key power: according to Article 99 itself and Article 98, he proposes to the King the appointment and dismissal of the other members of the Government. That is, he decides the cabinet's structure and who occupies each portfolio, within the general limits of the Constitution and the law.

3. Relations with the Cortes: confidence and political responsibility

The Constitution establishes a parliamentary system in which the President of the Government is subject to the confidence of the Congress of Deputies:

• Vote of confidence (art. 112): the President, after deliberation of the Council of Ministers, may submit a vote of confidence to the Congress on his program or a general policy statement. Confidence is considered granted if a simple majority of deputies vote in favor.
• Motion of censure (arts. 113 and 114): the Congress may demand the Government's political responsibility through a motion of censure, which must include an alternative candidate for the Presidency of the Government. If approved by an absolute majority, the Government resigns and the proposed candidate is considered invested, being appointed President by the King.

Article 114 adds that if the Congress denies confidence to the Government, it must present its resignation, and the procedure of Article 99 to designate a President begins anew.

4. Dissolution of the Cortes and calling elections

Article 115 recognizes a particularly relevant power: the President of the Government may propose the dissolution of the Congress, the Senate, or the Cortes Generales, after deliberation of the Council of Ministers and under his exclusive responsibility. The King decrees the dissolution, and the decree sets the election date. Dissolution cannot be proposed while a motion of censure is pending nor before one year has passed since the previous dissolution (except for the specific case of Article 99.5).

5. Referendum and states of crisis

Article 92 provides for consultative referendums and states that they are called by the King “upon proposal of the President of the Government,” with prior authorization from the Congress. The President, therefore, has the political initiative to submit decisions of special importance to citizen consultation, within the established procedure.

Regarding security and constitutional crises, Article 116 assigns to the Government the declaration of states of alarm, exception, and siege, with different requirements for authorization and parliamentary control. Although the competence belongs to the Government as a whole, the President, as director of governmental action and responsible for proposing decisions to the Council of Ministers, effectively concentrates the initiative and political direction in these situations.

6. Other relevant constitutional functions

Several functions of the President derive from his status as the highest responsible of the Government:

• Criminal responsibility (art. 102): his criminal responsibility is demanded before the Criminal Chamber of the Supreme Court, with a reinforced procedure when it concerns crimes such as treason or those committed against State security.
• Relationship with the King: the Constitution establishes that many acts of the King must be countersigned by the President of the Government or the competent ministers. Thus, the President assumes political responsibility for those acts (for example, proposal of a referendum, sanctioning laws, etc.).
• International relations and defense: although formally these are Government competencies (arts. 93 to 97), it is the President who directs foreign and defense policy, coordinates the involved ministries, and assumes the primary political representation of the State in these areas.

In summary, the Constitution configures the President of the Government as the center of gravity of the executive power: he directs the cabinet's action, answers to the Congress, can promote the renewal of the Cortes, participates in calling referendums, and leads the State's action in ordinary and crisis situations, always within the parliamentary and judicial control framework provided in the Spanish Constitution.

The last general elections in which the Partido Popular participated were on July 23, 2023. In those elections, the PP was the most voted force, with 137 seats out of 350 in the Congress of Deputies and around 8,160,837 votes, which represented about 33.1% of the valid vote. However, it fell short of an absolute majority (176 seats), so it could not form a government alone and needed to negotiate with other forces. Ultimately, despite winning in votes and seats, the investiture that succeeded was that of Pedro Sánchez (PSOE), thanks to the support of his parliamentary partners.

Partido Popular results on 23J 2023

According to official data from the 2023 general elections, compiled on reference portals such as Elections 2023 and special results coverage from media like RTVE or El País – results, the Partido Popular obtained:

• 137 seats in the Congress of Deputies.
• Approximately 8,160,837 votes.
• A vote percentage around 33.06–33.1%.

In various subsequent analysis pieces, collected by the newspaper Demócrata, this data is used as a reference for the PP's “23J result.” For example, in the 2026 poll tracking, the newspaper repeatedly recalls that the Partido Popular obtained 33.1% and 137 seats on 23J against PSOE (31.7% and 121 deputies), Vox (12.4% and 33), and Sumar (12.3% and 31), as can be seen in articles such as the GESOP poll, the analysis by Ipsos, or the average of polls comparing with the 23J result.

The Senate: broad PP majority

Besides the Congress, in the Senate the Partido Popular achieved a much clearer victory. In the 2023 elections, it obtained around 120 of the 208 elected senators, forming an absolute majority in the Upper Chamber. This dominance in the Senate is reflected in Demócrata's later coverage when analyzing the distribution of institutional power and the composition of the Chamber's Board compared to a much more fragmented Congress.

Political context of the result

23J marked an important shift compared to the November 2019 general elections, in which the PP had about 89 seats. The increase of nearly 50 deputies allowed Alberto Núñez Feijóo to present himself as the winner of the elections and leader of the right-wing bloc, something that is recorded and taken as a baseline in multiple subsequent polling analyses, such as those published by Demócrata in its poll aggregator (voting intention).

However, despite being the first force, the PP did not reach 176 seats, and the sum with Vox was not enough to achieve a stable alternative majority without other support. The subsequent investiture negotiation showed that the right-wing bloc (PP, Vox, and UPN) fell short of the sum of the bloc that supported Pedro Sánchez's investiture (PSOE, Sumar, and a constellation of nationalist and sovereigntist forces), as Demócrata explains in its analyses on the investiture bloc.

Subsequent impact and use of the “23J result” as a reference

In the current political cycle, the “23J result” has become a central reference point for reading polls. Numerous surveys published and synthesized by Demócrata — for example, those by Hamalgama, Sociométrica, GAD3, Sigma Dos, or NC Report — always take as a base that the PP started from 137 deputies and 33.1% of the vote.

In summary, the last general elections in which the Partido Popular participated, those of July 23, 2023, ended with a clear victory in votes and seats (137 deputies and one-third of the vote), but insufficient to form a government majority only with right-wing forces. That balance of power in the Cortes has determined the configuration of the current coalition government led by the PSOE and the parliamentary dynamics of the XV Legislature.

For broader general context on the political and electoral climate around the PP and other actors, various analyses, reports, and data tools published by the newspaper Demócrata and other media can be consulted, including: [link], [link], [link], [link], [link], [link], [link], and other special reports and electoral databases.