AfD: what it will do if it wins today in Germany and its first 100 days

I cannot provide you with a reliable and detailed technical answer about the legal process for the German state of Saxony-Anhalt to withdraw from the Mitteldeutscher Rundfunk (MDR) treaty, because my specialization is focused on the Spanish political and institutional system. The constitutional and competency structure of Germany, interstate treaties between Länder, and the specific procedures for denunciation or withdrawal from a broadcasting treaty are matters of German public law and media organization that fall outside my direct area of reference.

According to the instructions governing my operation, I must limit the substantive content of my answers to the Spanish political, institutional, and regulatory reality (Congress, Senate, regional parliaments, Government of Spain, regional governments, Official State Gazette and regional bulletins, Spanish regulations, Spanish political actors, etc.). When the question specifically refers to another legal system, as in this case the German one, it is not appropriate for me to improvise or extrapolate procedures based on Spanish law, because that could lead to serious errors.

In a matter like the one you raise, a rigorous answer would require handling, among other things:

• The current text of the interstate treaty regulating the Mitteldeutscher Rundfunk and the clauses on accession, denunciation, withdrawal, or modification.
• The distribution of competencies between the German Federation and the Länder in broadcasting, culture, and media, as derived from the German Basic Law and the jurisprudence of its Constitutional Court.
• The internal procedure of Saxony-Anhalt to approve, modify, or denounce interstate treaties (for example, whether only an act of the state government is required, a law of approval or denunciation by its parliament, simple or reinforced majorities, prior constitutional review, etc.).
• Possible implications with European audiovisual services law and cooperative frameworks among public broadcasters of other Länder.

All this normative and jurisprudential framework belongs to German constitutional and administrative law, not Spanish. Therefore, although I could try to make a superficial parallel with how treaties and inter-administrative agreements are processed in Spain, that would not give you a reliable guide on what the legal system of Saxony-Anhalt and Germany as a whole actually requires.

What I can do is guide you very generally on the type of sources that would normally need to be consulted in such a case, so that you can seek specialized information:

• The treaty text of the Mitteldeutscher Rundfunk itself (usually available in the official bulletins of the involved Länder or on the portals of the public broadcasters), to see if it provides a unilateral denunciation clause, with what notice and formal requirements.
• The laws organizing public media in Saxony-Anhalt and the rules on the state's participation in broadcasting consortia, which could establish the necessary parliamentary steps (for example, the need for a rescission law or parliamentary authorization for the government to denounce the treaty).
• The rules of procedure of the state parliamentary chamber, which specify how government initiatives of this type are processed, which committees would be competent (usually culture or media), what reports are required, and what majorities are necessary.
• Doctrinal commentaries or expert analyses in German media law, which usually explain in an integrated way both the constitutional basis and the political practice followed in similar cases.

On the other hand, if we transfer the idea to Spain, I could explain in detail, for example:

• How international treaties are approved and denounced in Spain, what role the Cortes Generales and the Government have.
• What margin the autonomous communities have to participate in consortia or broadcasting entities and how they are created, modified, or dissolved through regional laws.
• What parliamentary steps are necessary to suppress, merge, or restructure a public communication entity at the state or regional level.

If you find it useful, I can explain in detail the Spanish procedure for an autonomous community to disassociate from a shared broadcasting consortium with other communities, or the regime for approval and denunciation of international treaties in Spain, and from there you might be able to make the comparison on your own with the case of Saxony-Anhalt and MDR using specialized sources in German law.

In summary, I cannot provide you with a reliable description of the specific legal and parliamentary steps required by the Saxony-Anhalt legal system to withdraw from the Mitteldeutscher Rundfunk treaty, but I can help you with any analogous question related to the Spanish system: Cortes Generales, regional parliaments, Government of Spain, regional governments, Official State Gazette, regional bulletins, and the processing of regulations, treaties, or restructurings of public entities within our constitutional framework.

In the German federal system, the competencies of a regional government (Landesregierung) in migration and education policy are mainly determined by the Basic Law (Grundgesetz) through the distribution of legislative powers between the Federation (Bund) and the Länder, and by the distinction between who legislates and who executes the laws.

General framework of competency distribution

The starting point is Article 30 of the Basic Law: all state competencies belong to the Länder unless the Basic Law assigns them to the Federation. Article 70 develops this for legislation: the Länder are competent to legislate as long as the Constitution does not grant exclusive or concurrent competencies to the Bund. Additionally, Article 83 establishes that, as a general rule, federal laws are executed by the Länder as a "matter of their own," that is, with their own administration under their own responsibility.

From this structure, two key ideas derive:

• In many matters, the Federation issues the basic or complete regulations, but the Länder apply and manage them.
• In other matters, especially in the cultural and educational field, the Länder retain the so-called Kulturhoheit der Länder (cultural sovereignty), with very broad legislative and organizational freedom.

Competencies in migration policy

In migration, the Constitution grants the Bund a very dominant role. Article 73 of the Basic Law lists the exclusive legislative competencies of the Federation, among which are prominently included:

• Nationality and German citizenship.
• Freedom of movement of Germans.
• Entry and exit of foreigners, their residence and expulsion.
• Asylum and refugee status, in connection with Article 16a on the right of asylum.

This means that the essential rules on who can enter Germany, reside, obtain permits, nationality, or asylum are decided at the federal level through laws such as the Residence Act (Aufenthaltsgesetz) or the Nationality Act.

However, regional governments have a very relevant role in the application of that legislation:

• The Länder manage the foreigners' offices (Ausländerbehörden) and the authorities responsible for enforcing residence and asylum laws, except in areas where the Federation reserves direct enforcement.
• They organize and finance much of the reception in their territory: reception centers, accommodation, coordination with municipalities, health care, and schooling of minors.
• They can approve their own laws and programs in matters related to migration but not exhaustively regulated by the Bund, especially in integration (complementary language courses, participation measures, employment support, anti-discrimination policies) and coordination of social services.

In summary, migration policy in the strict sense (entry, residence, asylum, nationality) is almost entirely federal regulation, while German regional governments are mainly implementers and managers of that policy and design integration policy in their territory.

Competencies in education policy

In education, the scheme is reversed: here the Basic Law leaves the core of the competence in the hands of the Länder. There is no single article that says "education = Länder," but it follows from the general rule of Article 70 and the fact that the Constitution only grants the Bund limited competencies in specific areas (such as cooperation in higher education or financial support for educational infrastructure).

Hence the Kulturhoheit der Länder: regional governments design practically all education policy:

• Structure of the education system (types of schools, pathways, duration of stages).
• Curricula, content, and learning standards, including language and religion or ethics teaching.
• Regulation of teacher training, hiring, status, and remuneration.
• Organization and financing of public centers, as well as recognition and supervision of private centers.
• Regional university system (except for specific aspects of cooperation with the Bund in research and higher education).

The Länder coordinate these competencies among themselves through the Standing Conference of Ministers of Education and Cultural Affairs (Kultusministerkonferenz), which is not in the Constitution but acts as a horizontal cooperation body to ensure a certain degree of standardization among regional education systems.

Conclusion

According to the Basic Law, a German regional government has limited margins in migration regulation but manages and implements most of its application and integration, while enjoying very broad autonomy in education policy, both normative and executive, constituting one of the clearest cores of the Länder's sovereignty in German federalism.

Based on the information available in the sources consulted, it can be stated that the most recent electoral results of AfD in Saxony-Anhalt still come from the previous regional elections (2021), and not from the upcoming Sunday, September 6, 2026, whose final results are not yet included in the reviewed materials. In those 2021 elections, AfD obtained around 20.8 % of the votes and was the second strongest party behind the CDU; however, the sources we have do not specify how many seats AfD actually won in the Landtag nor, therefore, the exact number of seats it currently holds.

1. Last confirmed electoral results of AfD in Saxony-Anhalt

A recent analysis of the 2026 elections in Saxony-Anhalt, published by the newspaper Demócrata, recalls the context of the previous 2021 regional elections. That review explicitly states that:

• In the 2021 regional elections, the CDU obtained 37.1 % of the votes and was the winning party.
• AfD came in second place with 20.8 % of the votes.

The article itself emphasizes that the 2026 polls “reverse that relationship,” since they now place AfD clearly above the CDU in voting intention, but that remains polling, not official results. Until the counting of the September 6, 2026 elections closes and the seat distribution is published, the last effective electoral results of AfD in Saxony-Anhalt remain those 20.8 % from 2021.

The sources we have consulted (including the Demócrata article on the Saxony-Anhalt regional elections) focus mainly on comparing that 20.8 % with the much higher figures currently attributed to AfD by polls (around 41–43 %). But when looking at the section dedicated to the 2021 elections, only the vote percentage is recorded, not the detailed seat distribution for AfD.

2. Current number of AfD seats in the Saxony-Anhalt Landtag

Since the Landtag resulting from 2021 remains the chamber in office until the new parliament is constituted after the 2026 elections, it would be logical to deduce the current number of AfD deputies from the seat distribution of those elections. However, here an important limitation arises:

• The analyzed pieces explain the relative political weight of AfD (vote percentage, position as second force, potential blocking capacity if it exceeds a third of the seats in 2026, etc.), but no explicit numerical data is provided on:
  • The exact seats AfD obtained in 2021, nor
  • The detailed distribution of seats in the currently active Landtag.
• Nor does a current composition chart of the regional parliament appear in the sources listing how many deputies each party has in Saxony-Anhalt.

For that reason, and strictly adhering to what the consulted texts provide, it is not possible to offer a documented number of seats for AfD in these sources. Any specific figure about the seats AfD currently holds in the Saxony-Anhalt Landtag would require consulting another official statistic or electoral database not included here and would therefore be speculative from the standpoint of the available evidence.

3. What can be stated with certainty

• The last regional elections already held and closed in Saxony-Anhalt remain those of 2021.
• In those elections, AfD achieved 20.8 % of the votes and was the second strongest party, behind the CDU (37.1 %).
• That result is, to date, the last consolidated electoral data on AfD in that state appearing in the reviewed sources.
• The current number of seats of AfD in the Saxony-Anhalt Landtag does not appear in the consulted texts, so no verified figure can be offered here.

If you need to work with exact seat calculations by party, I would recommend cross-checking these percentage data with the official count published by the Saxony-Anhalt electoral authorities or by the Landtag itself, which usually provide detailed tables of the chamber's composition for each legislature.