The PP accuses the Government of not requesting more resources from the EU in the face of the migratory crisis in Ceuta

In the Spanish legal system, the available sources do not describe a specific and mandatory parliamentary procedure for the Government to request additional aid from the European Union in the face of a migration crisis. What they do show is that the formal request to the EU falls within the Executive's action, while the Cortes Generales exercise political control over it. This control is articulated through instruments such as questions, interpellations, motions, appearances, and investigative commissions. Therefore, the core of the procedure is governmental, and Parliament mainly intervenes by setting political positions and demanding accountability.

1. Who makes the formal request to the EU?

The available information focuses on the role of the Cortes as a body of parliamentary control over the Government, not as a direct actor in relations with the EU. From this it follows that:

• The initiative and management of a request for additional aid from the European Union lies within the Government's scope (foreign policy, migration, and crisis management).
• The Cortes Generales (Congress and Senate) do not appear in the sources as holders of a procedural channel of their own to formally address the EU in these types of situations.

Consequently, the “formal” processing before the European Union is governmental, not parliamentary, and what is activated in Parliament are mechanisms for supervision and political guidance of that action.

2. Instruments of control and political guidance

According to the information gathered on parliamentary control, the Cortes have several instruments that can be specifically used for a migration crisis and for requesting aid from the EU:

• Questions to the Government: Deputies and senators can ask oral questions (in Plenary or in committee) or written questions about:
  • Whether the Government has requested aid from the EU and under what terms.
  • What specific resources have been requested (funds, relocations, operational support).
  • What response the European Union has given.
• Interpellations: Allow opening a specific debate on the Government's policy in a migration crisis and its strategy in the EU. After an interpellation, a motion may be proposed.
• Motions: Are proposals for the Chamber to express an opinion on a topic or urge the Government to act. In this context, a motion could:
  • Urge the Executive to formulate or strengthen a request for aid to the EU.
  • Set political criteria on the type of aid to request.
• Appearances: The Government or senior officials may be called to appear to inform about the situation at the border, migratory flows, and dealings with European institutions.
• Investigative commissions: In cases of special relevance, they could be created to analyze the management of a migration crisis and decisions made at the European level.
• Requests for information and documentation: Allow knowing the documents sent and received from the EU, operational plans, and the use of obtained resources.
• Votes of no confidence and confidence motions: Exceptional mechanisms that, in an extreme scenario of disagreement with crisis management and relations with the EU, serve to demand political responsibility from the Government.

3. Is an express agreement of the Cortes essential?

The available sources do not indicate the existence of a general requirement of prior authorization from the Cortes for the Government to request additional aid from the EU. What is described is a model in which Parliament:

• Supervises and oversees the Government's action through the instruments mentioned.
• Sets political positions through motions or other non-legislative resolutions.

Therefore, with the available information, the scheme is: the Government exercises its powers to address the European Union, and Parliament controls and guides that action, but not necessarily through a prior binding formal agreement.

4. Role of the competent committees

The sources also explain the general role of parliamentary committees in the processing of laws, which is extrapolable to their control function in a migration crisis:

• They allow a more technical and specialized analysis of the matter.
• They debate in depth and can receive appearances from Government members and experts.

Theoretically, in a migration crisis parliamentary monitoring could focus on specialized committees (for example, those responsible for interior, migrations, foreign affairs, or European Union matters), which:

• Would debate the situation and dealings with the EU.
• Could propose motions or reports to guide the Government's action.
• Would serve as a forum to assess the effectiveness of the aid received and the need for new regulatory measures.

In short, the formal request for additional aid to the EU is a governmental decision, and the relevant “parliamentary procedure” is the set of control, debate, and political guidance mechanisms that the Cortes activate around that decision.

The competencies of the Minister of the Interior in a migration crisis do not appear in a single “migration crisis law,” but are built from several regulations that assign to the Government and the Ministry of the Interior the policy on immigration and foreigners, internal security, civil protection, and coordination with other administrations. From these, the minister directs the operational response at borders and security, participates in asylum and international protection policy, and coordinates cooperation with autonomous communities, municipalities, and international organizations. In contexts of intense migratory pressure (arrivals by sea, resource saturation, etc.), these competencies are activated cumulatively.

Immigration and foreigner policy

The Organic Law 4/2000 on foreigners, as amended by the reform of Organic Law 2/2009, establishes that:

• The Government is responsible, “in accordance with the provisions of article 149.1.2.ª of the Constitution, for defining, planning, regulating, and developing immigration policy,” including flow management, combating irregular immigration and trafficking, and cooperation with countries of origin and transit.
• Principles of action are set such as “combating irregular immigration and prosecuting illicit trafficking of persons” and “prosecuting human trafficking,” as well as guaranteeing rights and social integration.
• It is foreseen that the General State Administration, autonomous communities, and municipalities “will collaborate and coordinate their actions” in immigrant integration, based on a multi-year strategic plan and programs agreed upon in the Immigration Sectoral Conference.

Within this framework, the Minister of the Interior, as the political head of the department managing foreigners, assumes a central role in the execution of state migration policy, especially in entry control, expulsions, combating networks, and coordinating security at points of arrival.

Borders, sea arrivals, and operational cooperation

The response to mass sea arrivals has been articulated through specific coordination instruments dependent on the Ministry of the Interior. Notably, the creation of the Coordination Authority for actions to address irregular immigration in the Strait area, Alboran Sea, and adjacent waters, approved by Council of Ministers Agreement published through Order PCI/842/2018 and later reinforced and adjusted by Order PCI/44/2019 and Order PCI/121/2019.

These provisions create a state command and coordination device to act against irregular immigration on one of the main entry routes, under the political umbrella of the Ministry of the Interior. In a maritime migration crisis, the minister directs or supervises:

• The deployment and coordination of security forces and border surveillance means.
• The articulation of additional measures approved by the Council of Ministers to reinforce operational capacities.
• Cooperation with third countries, supported by royal decrees and subsidies for “improving control of their borders and combating illegal emigration,” such as the royal decrees supporting Morocco or Mauritania.

Asylum, refuge, and international protection

The international protection framework is given by Law 12/2009, regulating the right of asylum and subsidiary protection. The law transposes European directives on refugee status recognition and other forms of international protection, and defines the Spanish asylum system.

Although the law focuses on the material content of asylum rights and the articulation of the Common European Asylum System, its practical application is integrated into the State's immigration and security policy. Hence, the Minister of the Interior has a relevant role in the management of applications at borders and territory and in coordination with organizations such as UNHCR, with which administrative agreements are signed, as published in the BOE in 2022, 2023, and 2025 (2022 agreement, 2023 agreement, 2025 agreement).

National security and civil protection

When a migration crisis endangers security or the normal functioning of essential services, Law 36/2015, on National Security comes into play. The law conceives national security as a coordinated State action, involving “different administrations, state, regional, and local” and various security agents and instruments, emphasizing that many challenges (including those affecting public security or stability) require “coordinated” responses.

At a more operational level, Law 17/2015, on the National Civil Protection System recognizes that certain emergencies may affect national security and assigns the State competencies to respond when there is a “national interest,” coordinating regional and local civil protection services. If a migration crisis resulted in a civil protection emergency (e.g., infrastructure or reception device collapse), the Minister of the Interior, through the Directorate General of Civil Protection and Emergencies, would participate in the declaration and management of emergencies of national interest and in resource coordination.

Internal and international coordination

Regulations and multiple international agreements also reflect functions of the Minister of the Interior in:

• International cooperation in migrations, through agreements with the IOM on assisted voluntary return, reintegration, and “integrated border management,” such as successive agreements published (for example, IOM agreement 2020, IOM agreement 2024, and IOM agreement 2025).
• Specialized committees and bodies linked to the National Security System, including the Immigration Specialized Committee regulated by Order PRA/31/2018, where Interior is a key actor.
• Territorial coordination in immigration and integration matters, through the Immigration Sectoral Conference and other bodies provided in the Foreigners Law, where programs and funds are agreed with autonomous communities and local entities.

In summary, the Minister of the Interior concentrates the security, border control, execution of foreigners policy, and operational coordination aspects in migration crises, within a legal framework where the Government sets immigration policy and shares responsibility for integration and emergency management with other administrations.

With the information available in the consulted sources, there is no specific data on the results of the Popular Party in the Ceuta constituency in the last general elections to the Congress (July 23, 2023). Neither the exact number of votes, nor the percentage in the province, nor a comparative table with the previous 2019 general elections for Ceuta are recorded. Therefore, it is not possible to rigorously provide the specific figures you request for that constituency.

What the sources do provide about 23J and the PP

The documentary bases used mainly collect data and analyses at the national level, but not the breakdown by constituencies such as Ceuta. The newspaper Demócrata offers an overview of the post-electoral context of 23J in its survey aggregator in this article on general surveys. It recalls that, across Spain, the Popular Party obtained around 33.1% of the vote and 137 seats on 23J, but without breaking down behavior in each province or autonomous city.

Other analyses from the same medium, such as this report on the investiture bloc or the work on the dynamics of parliamentarian transfers to form groups in Congress and Senate (analysis on legislator transfers), focus on the overall parliamentary arithmetic and group relations, but also do not provide territorial detail by constituencies such as Ceuta.

Similarly, contextual pieces on the internal life of Congress, such as the article on the delay in constituting legislative committees or the profile of the Treasury spokespeople in the Lower House (who is who in the Treasury Committee), help understand the functioning of the legislature resulting from 23J, but do not include result tables by province.

Why I cannot give you the Ceuta figures

In the research trail, multiple specific searches linked to “Ceuta,” “23J,” “Congress,” “Popular Party,” “votes,” “percentage,” and “seat,” restricted to the key dates of July 2023 and the immediate aftermath, have been launched. All return the same conclusion: no document with the breakdown of Ceuta results is found, neither in Demócrata nor in other automatically appearing references.

General official documents have also been reviewed (such as INE notes, for example the National Accounting note) and other institutional notes and communications appearing in the trail, such as a La Moncloa agenda for January 30, 2024 (Government agenda), a note from the Catalan Centre for Opinion Studies (CEO Omnibus results), or even municipal communications like that of the Barcelona City Council about the Half Marathon (note on the Half Marathon). None of these materials are designed to offer electoral results by constituencies.

In parallel, Demócrata maintains various analytical and data sections, such as broad pieces on parliamentary dynamics (parliamentary groups, survey aggregator, or balances of the investiture bloc), but in what has been consulted, no provincial results dashboard for 23J is included similar to those that exist, for example, for some recent regional elections.

Where to find the exact Ceuta data

Although we do not have the specific PP result in Ceuta on 23J here (votes, percentage, and comparison with 2019), that information is published in a disaggregated manner on the official State electoral results platforms (Ministry of the Interior). From a technical point of view, those are the only sources that would have the character of official data to respond precisely to what you ask.

In summary: with the political and journalistic sources accessible in this research, the exact figures for Ceuta have not been located, so it would not be rigorous to invent or approximate them. For academic, journalistic, or fine political analysis use on that constituency, the recommendation is to consult the detailed 23J scrutiny published by the electoral administration.