The PP criticizes that Zapatero leaves the National Court "as he entered": "He keeps his passport but also the indictment"

Current status of the judicial case against José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero and next steps

The criminal proceedings against José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero in the so-called Plus Ultra case are currently open and in the investigation phase at the National Court. The competent body is the Central Investigative Court No. 4, whose presiding judge is José Luis Calama. According to the most recent available information, the last relevant procedural action was the appearance of Zapatero as a suspect before said court, held in the summons rescheduled for June 17 and 18, 2026. After this appearance, the charges and main precautionary measures remain, and the case enters a phase in which the judge must decide whether to carry out new proceedings and, in due course, whether to dismiss the case or send it to oral trial.

Competent body and nature of the case

According to available judicial and journalistic information, the case is being investigated by the National Court, specifically by the Central Investigative Court No. 4. This is reflected both in the institutional note from the General Council of the Judiciary regarding Zapatero's summons as a suspect in the procedure linked to the rescue of the airline Plus Ultra, and in various media analyses. The case focuses on the so-called Plus Ultra case, related to the rescue of the airline company with public funds.

According to the summary prepared by the newspaper El Demócrata, which we prioritize, the investigation is directed against Zapatero for alleged crimes of influence peddling, criminal organization, document forgery, and money laundering, all linked to the corporate network and administrative decisions that allowed the rescue. These accusations are included in the indictment order, whose key points are analyzed in this article from El Demócrata, and whose full text can also be consulted in this piece.

Latest known procedural actions

The indictment order was issued on May 18, 2026 (made public on May 19). It ordered José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero to be summoned to testify as a suspect on June 2, 2026, at 9:00 a.m. This summons was later postponed by decision of the investigating judge, who rescheduled the appearances for June 17 and 18, 2026, as reported by El Demócrata.

Subsequent coverage by the same outlet indicates that on June 17, 2026, Zapatero appeared at the National Court and left the judicial headquarters “as he entered,” that is, maintaining his status as a suspect and without substantial changes to the precautionary measures adopted (El Demócrata news). These measures include, according to published information, the blocking of approximately 490,000 euros in accounts linked to the former president, as well as the search of his office and related companies, decreed in the investigation order.

Before this appearance, various analyses already pointed out that Zapatero's testimony would be a key moment to assess the strength of the indictment and its political implications, as explained in this analysis by El Demócrata. At the same time, other political voices, such as the PSE, had expressed their confidence that the former president could prove his innocence in court, as reported by Nueva Economía Fórum.

Expected next procedural steps

After the suspect's testimony and the phase of searches and fund blocking, the case formally remains in the investigation phase. According to the analysis of the “next steps” published by El Demócrata (see here), the expected procedural itinerary is as follows:

First, Judge Calama may order new investigative proceedings: expansion of accounting expert reports, examination of documents seized in searches, new witness or other suspect testimonies, or even a new summons of Zapatero if contradictions or unclear areas are found in his first appearance. The persistence or modification of precautionary measures (for example, fund blocking) may also be reviewed, at the request of the defense or the prosecution.

Second, once the investigator considers the case sufficiently investigated, he will issue a resolution of end of investigation. At that point, two main options open: the opening of an oral trial before the competent body of the National Court, if sufficient rational indications of criminality against Zapatero and other suspects are found; or the dismissal and archiving of the case, totally or partially, if it concludes that there is not enough evidence to sustain an accusation.

Third, both Zapatero's defense and the prosecution may file appeals against key decisions: against precautionary measures (for example, account blocking), against the admission or rejection of requested proceedings, and especially against the order that eventually agrees to open an oral trial or dismiss the case. These appeals will be resolved in higher instances within the National Court itself.

No further information is available in the consulted sources about actions after the June 2026 appearance or about a possible date for the closure of the investigation. Consequently, as of today, the only thing that can be stated based on the available information is that the procedure remains active in the investigation phase and pending Judge Calama's decision on its continuation towards trial or dismissal.

Summary answer

Spanish legislation does not grant former Prime Ministers executive political functions or decision-making powers; their office fully ceases when they lose the Presidency. What the legal system does provide are rights, honors, treatment, and material support linked to having held the head of the Executive. Among these are the lifelong title of “president”, a support office, security, official vehicle, and certain protocol prerogatives. Additionally, former Prime Ministers may be called to appear before the Cortes, be part of the Council of State as ex officio counselors (if they accept), and maintain political influence through parties, foundations, or public activities, but all as citizens without executive power.

Basic legal framework: no executive power, but honorary status

The Spanish Constitution only directly regulates the figure of the active Prime Minister (appointment, functions, political responsibility, etc.), but does not establish a specific constitutional status for “former Prime Minister”. They cease their functions when they lose the confidence of the Congress or are replaced after elections or a vote of no confidence, and from that moment act as any other citizen, without command over the Administration or Government.

The statute of former Prime Ministers is developed through legal norms and administrative provisions (laws on senior officials, incompatibility regime, rules on honors and treatments, security, and protocol). These norms do not grant them government powers, but rights and facilities for carrying out subsequent activities, especially representative, consultative, or institutional in nature.

Honors, treatment, and institutional role

In Spanish legal and protocol practice, those who have held the Presidency of the Government retain for life the treatment of “president”, used in official acts and institutional communications. This is an honor, not a function: it does not imply the capacity to order, sign provisions, or direct public bodies.

Institutionally, the former Prime Minister may:

• Be invited to State acts and official ceremonies, where they occupy a preferred place in the order of precedence.
• Maintain formal relations with the Royal Household and the highest institutions (Congress, Senate, Council of State), especially on constitutional anniversaries, solemn sessions, or acts of democratic recognition.
• Be summoned to appear before the Cortes Generales (investigative commissions, standing committees) when political decisions from their government period are analyzed. In these appearances, they act as a witness or political expert, not as an executive authority.

Consultative functions: Council of State

The figure of the former Prime Minister is significantly linked to the Council of State, the Government's supreme consultative body. The Council of State legislation provides that former Prime Ministers may be appointed ex officio counselors, with voice and vote in the body's opinions if they accept the appointment.

This is, de facto, the main formal function recognized by the regulations: to participate in the preparation of consultative opinions that influence the drafting of laws, regulations, and relevant administrative decisions. However, this is a consultative and independent function from the Government, not an executive political leadership power.

Material means and support staff

The regulations on senior officials and administrative practice provide that former Prime Ministers have a series of material means for carrying out public and institutional activities:

• Support office, usually with an office, administrative staff, and some advisors, funded by the General State Budgets.
• Official vehicle with driver, especially for travel related to institutional acts and official appearances.
• Security service provided by the Ministry of the Interior, adapted to the risk level, which may be maintained on a stable or variable basis depending on the situation.
• Logistical and travel facilities when required for activities of public interest (lectures, forums, international institutional meetings).

These resources are not a “power,” but a support tool to allow the former Prime Minister to continue participating in public life, with dignity and security, and without becoming an arbitrary privilege, since they are regulated by general provisions.

Incompatibility regime and limits

Former Prime Ministers are subject to the legislation on conflicts of interest and incompatibilities for senior officials, at least for a period after leaving office (a “cooling off” regime), which prevents them from engaging in certain private activities directly related to sectors over which they had responsibilities. This limits their options in regulated companies, lobbying, or consulting on matters in which they participated as authorities.

They also cannot claim official representation of the State or Government except by express assignment from competent authorities (for example, leading honorary delegations or attending State funerals abroad by Government designation). In the absence of such a mandate, they act as private individuals, although with public relevance.

Political and social space of the former Prime Minister

Beyond the strictly legal, former Prime Ministers usually play a relevant political role through their parties, foundations, or think tanks, participating in public debates, conferences, and media. This influence is political, not legal: the legal system does not grant them veto power or leadership capacity over the Government or Administration.

In summary, the former Prime Minister in Spain is a figure with symbolic, consultative, and representative weight, supported by certain honors, material guarantees, and possible participation in the Council of State, but without executive powers or constitutional command functions once out of office.

Summary of José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero's political career

José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero has developed a political career articulated in three main stages: his rise within the PSOE and in the Congress before 2004, his two terms as Prime Minister (2004‑2011), and his subsequent role as former Prime Minister, internal socialist reference, and international mediator. Before reaching La Moncloa, he consolidated himself as a provincial leader in León, national deputy since 1986, and finally secretary general of the PSOE since 2000, with an image of moderation and dialogue. During his presidency, he promoted an intense agenda of social and territorial reforms, while facing the 2008 economic crisis. After leaving office, he has maintained influence as a member of the Council of State, lecturer, and relevant actor in mediation processes, especially in Latin America (CIDOB, Wikipedia, Nueva Economía Fórum).

1. Origins and rise in the PSOE before 2004

Born in Valladolid in 1960, Zapatero graduated in Law from the University of León and was an assistant professor of Constitutional Law at the same institution between 1982 and 1986, with special attention to the Statute of Autonomy of Castilla y León (Nueva Economía Fórum). He joined the PSOE in 1979 and soon combined academic activity and political militancy. His entry into institutional politics occurred in 1986, when he was elected deputy for León in the Congress; during that period, he was part of commissions such as the Constitution and the Ombudsman, which gave him experience in legislative work (CIDOB, Wikipedia).

At the same time, he strengthened his organizational base as provincial secretary general of the PSOE in León since 1988, being re-elected in the 1991 and 1994 congresses (CIDOB). He renewed his seat for León in successive elections (1989, 1993, 1996), acting as socialist spokesperson in the Justice and Interior Commission, placing him at the core of parliamentary work on key matters. The big leap occurred in 2000, when he won the primaries against José Bono and was elected secretary general of the PSOE, at a time when the party was in opposition against the absolute majority of the PP under José María Aznar (Wikipedia).

According to the profile prepared by CIDOB, he projected himself as a moderate, conciliatory, and open-to-dialogue leader, who sought to renew the PSOE's image and distance himself from the political confrontation climate of the late nineties. This combination of new generation, moderation, and promise of change was decisive for the PSOE to become the most voted force in the 2004 elections and for Zapatero to be invested Prime Minister.

2. Prime Ministership (2004‑2011): social reforms and crisis

Zapatero was Prime Minister between 2004 and 2011, being the fifth head of the Executive in the democratic period after the Transition (Wikipedia). His first term stood out for an agenda expanding civil rights and social reforms: approval of same-sex marriage, effective equality law between women and men, express divorce, strengthening the fight against gender violence with specific courts, anti-smoking law, and the Historical Memory Law, which recognized victims of the Civil War and Francoism (CIDOB).

In the territorial sphere, he defended the idea of a “plural Spain” and promoted statutory reforms, with special relevance to the 2006 Statute of Catalonia, trying to ease territorial tensions. In foreign policy, he marked a symbolic break with the previous government by ordering the withdrawal of Spanish troops from Iraq in 2004, strengthening the commitment to the UN, and relaunching the Franco-German axis. He also promoted, together with Turkey, the Alliance of Civilizations as an initiative under the United Nations umbrella (Wikipedia, CIDOB).

His second term, after re-election in 2008, was conditioned by the international financial crisis. Initially, he opted for stimulus policies such as the Plan E, but from 2010 he shifted towards austerity measures: spending cuts, labor reform, pension reform, and restructuring of the savings banks system, which generated strong political and social wear (CIDOB). In 2011, he called early elections and the PSOE moved to opposition; shortly after, Zapatero left the secretary generalship, assumed by Alfredo Pérez Rubalcaba (Wikipedia).

3. Post-premiership stage (from 2011 to today)

After leaving La Moncloa, Zapatero assumed the role of former Prime Minister with institutional presence and international projection. As former Prime Minister, he is a natural member of the Council of State since 2012, according to biographical and career profiles (Escudo Digital, Wikipedia). He has participated recurrently in forums, conferences, and debates on democracy, governance, and social democracy, both in Spain and abroad (Nueva Economía Fórum, ModeloCurriculum).

Internationally, various reports and analyses highlight his involvement in mediation and accompaniment of political dialogues in Latin America, particularly in Venezuela, where he has been one of the interlocutors in negotiation processes between government and opposition (CIDOB, Okdiario). This facet reinforces the image he already projected as president in terms of multilateralism and dialogued conflict solutions.

Within the PSOE, although without organizational positions, he is considered a reference figure. He has intervened in recent electoral campaigns supporting socialist candidates and, in particular, the current president Pedro Sánchez, defending the continuity of the social-democratic project and the main reforms undertaken since 2004 (Okdiario, AS). Additionally, he has cultivated a public presence through books, articles, and media and academic appearances, in which he reinterprets his legacy and reflects on current challenges of democracy and the left.

Overall, his career before and after the premiership shows a thread of continuity: long-time militant, leader who reaches the head of Government from a moderate profile, and once out of executive power, a figure of mediation, advice, and political reflection both in Spain and internationally.