Thus have been the demonstrations in support of Ceuta: thousands of people support the autonomous city throughout Spain and charge against the Government

The concentrations called coinciding with the Day of Ceuta have gathered thousands of people in the autonomous city, Madrid, Valencia, Barcelona, and other points in the country. Solidarity with the Ceutíes has coexisted with criticisms of the Government and demands for a response to the migration crisis.

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EuropaPress 7744886 imagenes concentracion sevilla apoyo pueblo ceuta septiembre 2026 sevilla (1)

EuropaPress 7744886 imagenes concentracion sevilla apoyo pueblo ceuta septiembre 2026 sevilla (1)

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Ceuta did not celebrate its day alone this September 2. Thousands of people took to the streets of the autonomous city and numerous Spanish municipalities this Wednesday to show their support for the Ceutíes more than a month after the massive entry of migrants on July 30 and 31. A day initially proposed as a show of territorial solidarity that, as the afternoon progressed, also left massive criticisms against the government of Pedro Sánchez.

The flags of Spain and Ceuta dominated the images of the day. In the autonomous city, shouts of "Ceuta united will never be defeated", "A caballa never surrenders" and "Ceuta is not sold, it is defended" were heard. Hundreds of kilometers away, similar slogans were repeated in Madrid, Valencia, or Barcelona, often accompanied by calls for resignation and insults directed at the president of the government.

The origin of the mobilization was twofold. A citizen initiative had begun to spread through social networks and, subsequently, the Spanish Federation of Municipalities and Provinces (FEMP) called on the municipalities to gather at 8:00 PM. Before the day, more than 260 municipalities had officially supported the calls, according to Europa Press. The FEMP defended throughout the day that the objective was to convey "affection, support, and solidarity" to the autonomous city and denied that the protests had a partisan purpose.

Ceuta turns its day into a claim

The emotional epicenter of the mobilizations was, inevitably, in Ceuta. There, the streets near the Murallas Reales began to fill up before 7:00 PM with neighbors of all ages, Spanish and Ceutí flags, and t-shirts with messages defending the city.

The march started with a question that summarized part of the political climate of the last hours: "Where are the reports?". The slogan came after the controversy generated by the report from the National Center for Immigration and Borders (CENIF) sent to the National Court about what happened at the end of July.

From there, other messages followed. "I am Spanish," "A caballa never surrenders," "Ceuta united will never be defeated," or "Ceuta is not for sale, it is defended" accompanied a march in which a "exceptional legal solution" was also demanded to address the situation of the people who remain in the city. There were also much harsher slogans, including "Invaders, expulsion," calls for the resignation of the Government delegate, and insults against Pedro Sánchez.

At the forefront of the mobilization was the president of the autonomous city, Juan Vivas, who received applause upon his arrival. After reading the manifesto, he thanked for the support received from the rest of Spain. "Thanks to the Spaniards who tell us that we are not alone," he stated before insisting on one of the messages repeated during the march: "Ceuta is not for sale, it is defended".

The concentration thus continued a day of institutional significance different from any other Day of Ceuta. The migration crisis has conditioned the political and social life of a city for more than a month, which this Wednesday tried to turn its festivity into a collective demonstration of support and a demand for solutions.

Cibeles concentrates the protest of Madrid

Madrid has gathered one of the main mobilizations of the day. About 50,000 people gathered in the capital, according to data provided by the Government Delegation, in a protest whose main stage was in the surroundings of the Cibeles square.

From quite some time before 8:00 PM, there were already thousands of attendees in front of the Cibeles Palace, to the point of forcing traffic to be cut off. National and Ceuta flags filled the area around the City Hall while the first shouts against Pedro Sánchez began to be heard among the gathered.

The politicians with Ceuta

In Cibeles were the president of the PP, Alberto Núñez Feijóo, the leader of Vox, Santiago Abascal, the president of Madrid, Isabel Díaz Ayuso, and the mayor of the capital, José Luis Martínez-Almeida. PP and Vox had previously announced that they would support the mobilizations, while the Government and the PSOE have questioned from the very beginning the non-partisan nature of the call and have accused the popular party of politically using the FEMP.

Feijóo raised the tone against the Executive from the very concentration. "A Spanish city has been invaded, it has been occupied, and it has been, unfortunately, with the knowledge of the Government of Spain," he stated, before accusing the Council of Ministers and Sánchez of having lied about the information available regarding the crisis. Abascal maintained, for his part, that the Government was lying and assured that "many ministers knew about it."

Almeida has sought to position the mobilization on a territorial and European level. "The border of Ceuta is the border of all Spaniards and of Europe", he defended, before pointing out that any pressure on the Ceuta border affects the whole country.

Madrid simultaneously hosted another concentration in front of the Congress of Deputies, promoted by the citizen initiative "Por Ceuta" and whose organizers claimed its non-partisan nature. There were slogans such as "It is not migration, it is invasion" and also insults against Sánchez. The National Police had to intervene in a scuffle between some protesters and a journalist.

The capital was also the scene of a mobilization of the opposite sign. In the Callao square, anti-racist groups gathered to defend support for Ceuta without linking it to messages against immigrants, with slogans like "Europe, scoundrel, open the wall" and "racists out of the institutions."

Valencia and Barcelona join the mobilization

The protests spread far beyond Madrid. Thousands of people filled the Valencia City Hall square, where the flags of Spain and Ceuta once again marked the image of the concentration. "Ceuta, you are not alone," "Ceuta defends itself," and calls for Sánchez's resignation were among the messages heard during the afternoon. The call brought together, among others, the president of the Generalitat, Juanfran Pérez Llorca, and the mayor of Valencia, María José Catalá.

In Barcelona, around 500 people gathered in the Sant Jaume square, according to information collected during the protest. The influx reached saturation at the access points and the Mossos d'Esquadra deployed a device to separate the mobilization in support of Ceuta from another anti-racist concentration held in the same area. Among the chants, "Ceuta is not for sale, Ceuta defends itself" and "I am Spanish" reappeared.

The call had previously reached a national dimension. The FEMP had called on the 8,132 Spanish municipalities to show their solidarity with Ceuta, and different localities organized their own events during the day. The Federation stated that the initiative aimed for the people of Ceuta to feel the support of Spanish municipalism, while the dispute between PP and PSOE over the nature of the mobilizations accompanied the call from the previous days.

From support for Ceuta to protest against the Government

The final photograph of September 2 has been double. The defense of Ceuta has managed to mobilize thousands of people far from the autonomous city, but a good part of the concentrations has also ended up becoming a showcase of discontent with the Government's actions during the crisis.

The controversy over what information the Executive received before July 30, the discrepancies regarding Morocco's role, and the police report known this week have fueled much of that climate. The mobilizations have also come, on the eve of Pedro Sánchez's appearance in Congress, where this Thursday he will have to personally explain the Government's actions in response to the crisis.

More key points, information and questions with FREN

AI-GENERATED CONTENT

What is the status of the processing of a possible 'exceptional legal solution' for the situation of migrants in Ceuta?

Currently, there is no single law formally called “exceptional legal solution” for migrants in Ceuta. What exists is a package of extraordinary legal measures already in force or in process that serve as a framework to manage the crisis, especially regarding minors.

1. The legal axis for migrant minors

The central instrument is Royal Decree‑Law 2/2025, of March 18, which approves urgent measures to guarantee the best interests of children and adolescents in situations of extraordinary migratory contingencies.

  • This decree‑law was issued precisely for situations like those in Canary Islands and Ceuta, where a very high number of unaccompanied foreign minors are concentrated. Its preamble explicitly cites the 221.4% increase of these minors and the agreements of the Sectoral Conference that had already allowed the transfer of 574 minors from the Canary Islands and Ceuta between 2022 and 2024.
  • The decree‑law was ratified by the Congress and its processing as a bill (file 121/000055) was decided. To date, this bill is in process and the deadline for amendments has been extended until September 9, 2026, so there is no final law yet. (Congress record)
  • In parallel, the Government has approved an urgent processing agreement for a royal decree of development of RDL 2/2025, to specify the procedures for transfer and guardianship of migrant minors.
  • Additionally, on June 29, 2026, the Council of Ministers approved a Royal Decree on the ordinary capacity of the protection and guardianship system for unaccompanied foreign minors of the autonomous communities and cities, a key piece to be able to distribute minors from Ceuta to other territories.

On this legal framework, concrete measures are being articulated such as the plan of the Ministry of Youth and Childhood for the urgent transfer to the peninsula of about 500 unaccompanied migrant girls who remain in Ceuta, with reception formulas in specialized resources and, eventually, through the state relocation mechanism regulated from 2025.

2. Declaration of “situation of interest for national security” in Ceuta

In the field of security and overall crisis management, the Government has activated another exceptional piece:

  • Royal Decree 681/2026, of August 25, declares the situation of interest for national security in the city of Ceuta, due to the effects of the massive entry on July 30 and the indefinite temporary stay of a very high number of irregular migrants, which overwhelm the ordinary capacity of the city. (Official State Gazette)
  • Royal Decree 706/2026, of September 1, modifies that first decree to adjust the declaration. A royal decree on the Declaration of Resources to be used in that situation of interest for national security has also been approved.
  • Under this umbrella, a “single command” coordinated by the Minister of Territorial Policy has been created, with participation from the City of Ceuta, the Government Delegation, the CNI, and up to eleven ministries, to prioritize the return and repatriation of migrants and organize reception resources.

3. Royal Decree‑Law 22/2026 and economic and social support to Ceuta

Royal Decree‑Law 22/2026, of September 1, approved on September 1 and published on September 2, 2026, establishes urgent social and economic support measures for the city of Ceuta. (text in the Official State Gazette)

  • Among them, an extraordinary credit of 62.96 million euros to the Ministry of Youth and Childhood “for the care of unaccompanied migrant children and adolescents in the city of Ceuta.”
  • This decree‑law adds to previous agreements that had already authorized an extraordinary credit of 25 million euros for Ceuta and emergency increases in migration up to 44.5 million for humanitarian care.

4. So, what is the status of the “exceptional legal solution”?

In practice, the “exceptional legal solution” for Ceuta is being built on the combination of:

  • Already effective rules: RDL 2/2025 (in force but still in process as a law), the declaration of interest for national security via RD 681/2026 and 706/2026, and RDL 22/2026 of support to Ceuta itself.
  • Ongoing regulatory developments (royal decree of development of RDL 2/2025 and royal decree on the capacity of the minors system).
  • Operational plans for transfers of minors, enabling temporary reception spaces (up to 1,500 places), and strengthening humanitarian care.

Therefore, there is no specific extraordinary regularization for all migrants in Ceuta, but an exceptional framework focused on:

  • Guaranteeing the best interests of the minor and facilitating their supervised redistribution.
  • Repatriating and returning adults and minors when legally possible, respecting international regulations.
  • Providing Ceuta with extraordinary resources for security, reception, and social and economic investment.

The core pending parliamentary processing is the bill 121/000055, which, if approved, will consolidate and detail in a stable way many of these exceptional measures for minors in situations like Ceuta.

What are the powers and attributions of the president of the autonomous city of Ceuta according to the Statute of Autonomy?

The President of the Autonomous City of Ceuta is the central figure of the institutional system designed by Organic Law 1/1995, of March 13, of the Statute of Autonomy of Ceuta. The Statute assigns him functions of representation, presidency of government bodies, political leadership, and channeling of political responsibility before the Assembly, as well as specifying his method of election and dismissal.

1. Bodies he presides over and institutional representation

The Statute establishes that “The President of the city of Ceuta presides over the Assembly, the Government Council, whose activity he directs and coordinates, and holds the supreme representation of the City” (statutory provision located in the institutional block following the competencies of the Assembly).

  • Presidency of the Assembly of Ceuta: the President leads the Assembly’s Board, presides over it, and exercises the ordinary functions of directing sessions, ordering debate, and convening meetings. The Statute itself indicates that the Assembly will be governed by a Board “composed of the President of the City, who will preside over it” and that sessions are held upon convocation by its President.
  • Presidency of the Government Council: he presides over the collegiate body that holds the executive and administrative functions of the City, directs its activity, and coordinates the actions of the Councilors.
  • Supreme representation of the City: he institutionally embodies the City of Ceuta before the State, other public Administrations, and third parties, concentrating the external representation of the institution.
2. Relationship with the Government Council: appointment, dismissal, and delegation

The same provision indicates that “The President appoints and dismisses the Councilors and may temporarily delegate his own executive functions to some members of the Council”.

  • Free appointment and dismissal of Councilors: the President designates and may dismiss members of the Government Council, only having to “report to the Assembly” the appointment and dismissal (as stated in the paragraph regulating the composition of the Council).
  • Delegation of executive functions: he may temporarily assign part of his executive powers to certain Councilors, strengthening his internal organizational capacity of the Executive.
  • Condition of Mayor: the Statute emphasizes that the President “also holds the status of Mayor,” which integrates in a single figure the leadership of the autonomous-city government and the municipal administration.
3. Election, confidence, and political responsibility

The Statute regulates in detail the confidence link between the President and the Assembly of Ceuta:

  • Election by the Assembly: the President is elected “by the Assembly of Ceuta from among its members and appointed by the King.” The election must be made among those who lead one of the lists that have obtained seats, and an absolute majority is required; if no candidate achieves it, the one who leads the most voted list is designated. This entire regime appears in the provision to which the Statute later refers when speaking of substitution after a motion of censure (express reference to article 15 of the Statute).
  • Vote of confidence: it is provided that “The President, after deliberation of the Government Council, may submit to the Assembly of Ceuta a vote of confidence on his program or on a declaration of general policy.” Confidence is understood to be granted if supported by a simple majority of the Assembly members. If rejected, the President must resign and a new election is held according to article 15.
  • Motion of censure: the Assembly may demand the President’s responsibility through a motion of censure approved by an absolute majority, which “must include a candidate for the Presidency of the city” and is processed according to article 197 of the Organic Law of the General Electoral Regime. If approved, the candidate included in the motion is understood to be invested and is appointed President of the City. The Statute adds that the President cannot submit a vote of confidence while a motion of censure is pending.
  • Causes for dismissal of the Government Council: it is foreseen that the Council ceases, among other cases, due to “the resignation, incapacity, or death of its President, the approval by the Assembly of a motion of censure, or the denial by the same of the requested confidence.” The outgoing Council continues in office until the new one takes office.
4. Role in the functioning of the Assembly

Additionally, several provisions assign the President key functions in the ordinary functioning of the Assembly:

  • Convocation of the constitutive session: after elections, “the elected Assembly will be convened by the outgoing President of the City, within twenty days following the election date.”
  • Convocation of ordinary and extraordinary sessions: the Statute indicates that the Assembly will meet “upon convocation by its President,” both for ordinary sessions (at least one per month) and extraordinary ones, either by decision of the President himself or at the request of a certain number of members.

Overall, the Statute of Autonomy of Ceuta configures the President as head of the Executive, highest municipal authority, president of the representative body, and reference figure in political responsibility before the Assembly, thus concentrating the main competencies of leadership, representation, government organization, and parliamentary articulation of the Autonomous City.

What legal requirements must Spanish municipalities meet to officially join FEMP calls?

For a Spanish municipality to “officially join” FEMP calls (for example, campaigns, city networks, institutional declarations, co-financed projects or programs), there is no single specific law about the FEMP. What is required is that the municipal agreement formalizing the adhesion complies with the general local regime and administrative procedure rules.

In summary, the key legal requirements are:

  • Appropriate municipal competence
  • Competent body and correct procedure
  • Compliance with financial and budgetary regulations
  • Documentary formalization and, if applicable, publication
  • Respect for the general principles of local action
1. Municipal competence

The adhesion agreement must fit within the municipality’s competences, according to the Law on the Bases of Local Regime (LRBRL):

  • Preferably within own competences of art. 25 LRBRL (local public services, urban environment, citizen participation, equality, youth, etc.).
  • If the action is linked to an “improper” competence, it must respect art. 7.4 LRBRL: it cannot jeopardize the municipality’s financial sustainability, must not duplicate services of another Administration, and in practice requires reports from the Secretariat and Intervention endorsing it.
  • The principle of local autonomy and absence of profit motive must be respected; the municipality cannot assume obligations outside its public purposes.
2. Competent body and procedure

The approval method is determined by the LRBRL and the Regulation of Organization, Functioning, and Legal Regime of Local Entities (ROF):

  • When the adhesion has a political or institutional content (declarations, strategic commitments, membership in networks), it is usual to have a Plenary agreement.
  • If it is merely the management of a program or project already authorized by the Plenary, a Local Government Board agreement or Mayor’s resolution may suffice, depending on internal competence distribution.
  • The agreement must be adopted with the required quorum and majority (usually simple majority, unless the adhesion involves very significant financial commitments or budget or ordinance modifications).
  • Common administrative procedure legislation applies: processing of the file, incorporation of mandatory reports, proposal of resolution, and final motivated agreement.
3. Legal-technical and Intervention reports

Before approving adhesion to a FEMP call, it is usual and advisable to have:

  • Secretariat report, analyzing:
    • That the municipality is competent to assume the commitments.
    • That the proposed instrument (adhesion, agreement, protocol, declaration) is legally correct.
    • That no higher norms are violated (state or regional regulations, statute of autonomy, etc.).
  • Intervention report, assessing:
    • The existence of adequate and sufficient credit, if there are associated expenses.
    • The impact on budgetary stability, spending rule, and debt.
    • The need for budget modifications, if applicable.
4. Formalization and publication

Depending on the nature of the FEMP call, these situations usually occur:

  • If it is an institutional declaration or generic adhesion, the plenary or board agreement suffices, which is:
    • Recorded in the Minutes Book.
    • Published on the notice board or electronic headquarters, and in some cases also in the Official Provincial Gazette if provided by regulations or municipal rules.
  • If it involves a collaboration agreement or contract with the FEMP:
    • The text of the agreement must be drafted and signed by authorized representatives.
    • The general rules of public sector agreements apply (term of validity, monitoring mechanisms, possible registration in agreement registries, and official publication when applicable).
5. Other limits and good practices
  • Respect institutional neutrality: campaigns must not exceed the public and statutory purpose of the FEMP nor become partisan propaganda.
  • Guarantee equality and non-discrimination in the execution of actions derived from the call (for example, in aid or services provided to residents).
  • Check compatibility with other networks or commitments already assumed by the municipality to avoid duplications or contradictions.

In summary, a municipality can join FEMP calls as long as the adhesion falls within its competence, is approved by the appropriate body following the ordinary local procedure, respects financial rules, and the commitments are properly formalized.

Can you explain which specific articles of the Law on the Bases of Local Regime are most relevant for this type of adhesion? What practical steps should a small municipality follow to internally process adhesion to a FEMP campaign? What legal differences exist between joining an institutional declaration of the FEMP and signing a specific agreement with it?

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