Milei enters into the controversy after the World Cup final: "They are jealous of us"

In the Argentine constitutional system, the president concentrates the direction of foreign policy, but does so within a framework of division of functions with Congress. The Constitution assigns the president the leadership of international relations, the negotiation and signing of treaties, and the representation of the State before other countries and international organizations. However, many of his acts abroad require the intervention or subsequent control of the Legislative Power, especially regarding treaties and the appointment of ambassadors.

General framework: who directs foreign policy

The Argentine National Constitution, reformed in 1994, assigns the president the headship of the State and Government. Within this dual condition, foreign policy is considered a typically state function and, in practice, the president is the main person responsible for setting and executing the international action line of the Argentine Republic.

This function is articulated with other constitutional norms that establish principles and limits of foreign action, such as the Nation's obligation to strengthen its foreign relations based on peace, respect for international law, and the promotion of regional integration.

Specific powers of the president in foreign policy

1. International representation of the State

The president is the representative of the Nation in its relations with other States and international organizations. This implies that:

• He leads diplomatic relations on behalf of Argentina.
• He participates in summits and international meetings as the highest authority of the State.
• He can subscribe to political declarations, framework agreements, and other international instruments, within the framework allowed by the Constitution.

2. Direction of the foreign service

The Constitution grants the president the power to lead the Argentine diplomatic service. Specifically:

• He appoints and removes ambassadors and diplomatic representatives before other States and international organizations, usually with the Senate's agreement.
• He receives the credentials of foreign ambassadors accredited to the Argentine Republic.
• He issues the main guidelines that guide the actions of Argentine embassies and consulates abroad.

3. Negotiation and signing of international treaties

One of the president's central powers in foreign policy is to negotiate and sign international treaties and conventions. From a constitutional point of view:

• The president leads treaty negotiations, directly or through his ministers and the diplomatic corps.
• He is authorized to sign treaties, concordats, and other forms of international agreements.
• However, for those treaties to have the rank of law and bind the State, they require subsequent approval by Congress, especially the Senate, which has a key role in this matter.

That is, the initiative, drive, and political leadership of the negotiation correspond to the president, while the formal incorporation of the treaty into the internal legal system and its possible rank correspond to the Legislative Power.

4. Relationship with international organizations and integration processes

In the field of international organizations and regional integration schemes:

• The president proposes Argentina's participation in international organizations, constitutive treaties, and integration processes (for example, regional schemes).
• He appoints permanent or special representatives before those organizations, also generally subject to legislative control when they hold ambassadorial rank.
• He leads Argentina's position in multilateral negotiations, within the margins set by law and already approved treaties.

Relationship with Congress and constitutional limits

Although the president is the central actor in foreign policy, the Argentine Constitution establishes important checks and balances:

• Congress must approve or reject treaties signed by the Executive Power and can grant them constitutional rank in certain cases.
• The Senate gives consent to the appointment of ambassadors and high diplomatic representatives.
• Foreign policy must respect constitutional principles and rights, as well as international human rights treaties that have a higher rank than laws.

In summary, the president of Argentina is directly responsible for leading foreign policy, the international representation of the State, and treaty negotiation, but his actions are conditioned by the need for legislative approval in key matters and by the principles and limits set by the constitutional text itself.

The information available in the consulted sources about Javier Milei's background before becoming President of Argentina is partial and fragmentary. We know that he first established himself as a media-profile economist and teacher, and that his direct leap into institutional politics occurred with his election as a national deputy, from where he debuted in Congress in 2022. Even then, he presented himself as a reference of anarcho-capitalism and as a very visible figure in media and networks, which explains that his arrival at the Casa Rosada was supported by a prior base of public notoriety rather than a traditional political career.

Previous professional profile: economist and teacher

The newspaper Demócrata highlights that, even as president, the institutions that invite him emphasize his previous career as an economist and university professor. In the Medal of Honor awarded to him by the CEU San Pablo University, explicit reference is made to his “relevant role as an economist and teacher” and to his “contribution to the international debate on economic freedom policies,” that is, a profile built before his access to the Argentine State leadership, based on economic dissemination and liberal-libertarian ideas. All this is collected in Demócrata's news about that academic event in Madrid: CEU summer courses.

Chronicles about his international activity, both from Argentina and Spain, recurrently present him as an ultra-liberal or libertarian economist who has taken his proposals to academic forums, conferences, and public debates. However, the sources used do not systematically detail his specific professional trajectory (companies he worked for, previous positions in the private sector, or specific academic publications), so it is not possible to precisely reconstruct his professional curriculum prior to institutional politics.

Building leadership in media and networks

What does appear clearly is that Milei's political capital was built in the media and digital space. A report by El País on his popularity on social media emphasizes that “at the heart of what was his origin, in social networks and virtual communities, his leadership was built.” That is, before being president, he was already a known figure for his presence on television, his activity on networks, and his confrontational discourse against the political “caste” and the State.

An illustrative example of that prior exposure is provided by a piece from ABC dedicated to his relationship with former footballer Hugo Gatti. There, messages from 2016 are recalled in which the “today's top political leader of Argentina” is described as “a media lawyer and political commentator,” emphasizing that he already occupied a space as a combative commentator on networks and television sets several years before making the leap to the first institutional political line. It can be seen in ABC's article about Milei and ‘Loco’ Gatti.

Entry into institutional politics: national deputy

The first clearly documented stage of his formal political career is his arrival at Congress as a deputy. An analysis by elDiario.es about his relationship with the IMF recalls that “in his first intervention as a deputy, in March 2022, Milei voted against the agreement with the IMF promoted by Alberto Fernández,” and cites his speech then, focused on moral criticism of indebtedness and defense of future generations. That article, which contrasts the “untamable anarcho-capitalist” with the president who negotiates with the Fund, can be consulted in this analysis about Milei and the IMF.

From that same text, it follows that, already as a deputy, his public stance remains that of a libertarian economist who opposes debt agreements and questions the economic and political establishment. However, his prior organic steps (founding the political space, initial militancy, party structures) are not detailed, beyond the fact that he later leads the La Libertad Avanza project that would take him to the Presidency.

International projection and consolidation of the figure

Although they are already after his election as president, several chronicles help understand how his previous trajectory allows him to occupy spaces of ideological leadership at an international scale. Demócrata places him as an “international reference of freedom” in the way that like-minded leaders such as Santiago Abascal present him in Spain, according to the piece about their meeting in Madrid: Milei–Abascal meeting. That projection rests precisely on the combination of doctrinal economist, aggressive communicator, and politician that had already been shaped before winning the 2023 presidential elections.

Limitations of the available information

Overall, the consulted sources allow us to affirm that Javier Milei arrives at the Presidency after a previous career as an economist and teacher, very focused on media dissemination and building leadership on networks, and that his entry into institutional politics occurs with his election as national deputy, with a relevant first parliamentary intervention in 2022. However, no more detailed information is available in these sources about his specific education, his first jobs, or the organic process of building his party before 2023, so any additional data on those aspects would be beyond what can be documented here.

I do not have specific and verifiable information about concrete legal requirements in Argentina for the Presidency to issue an official statement about international sporting events. In the absence of direct normative data, I cannot affirm whether there is (or is not) a law, decree, or regulation that regulates in detail that type of messages. What I can clarify is why it is likely to be a discretionary political and communicative power, rather than a legally regulated procedure, and point out what types of norms would be relevant if one wanted to verify it precisely. It is also important to remember that my specialization is focused on the political and regulatory context of Spain, not Argentina.

Scope of what I can answer

As an assistant oriented to political and regulatory analysis, mainly in the Spanish context, I do not have a complete or updated repertoire of Argentine regulations applicable to the institutional communication of the Presidency. Also, due to the rules I must follow, I cannot "fill in" gaps with assumptions about specific articles, law numbers, or provisions that I do not have in front of me. Therefore, any reference to the Argentine situation must be formulated in general and cautious terms, without presenting as fact something that is not documented in the available sources.

What is usually regulated in these cases (in general terms)

In many comparable constitutional systems, official communications from the head of State or Executive Power fall within the so-called powers of political direction and representation. Within that framework, it is usual that:

• There is a Constitution that recognizes the President (or equivalent) as head of State, head of Government, or highest authority of the Executive Power, with general competencies of internal and external representation.
• There are public administration laws, Executive organization laws, or administrative procedure laws that regulate the way of issuing administrative acts with legal effects (decrees, resolutions), but do not detail at the same level of precision purely communicative messages, such as greetings, condolences, or congratulations for sporting events.
• There are internal norms or communication regulations (style manuals, press protocols, government communication guidelines) that guide tone, format, or channels, but are usually organizational in nature, not strict legal requirements for the validity of the message.

In this type of frameworks, a statement about an international sporting event is usually considered a political or symbolic diplomatic communication act, without direct legal effects, and therefore is not subject to a rigid formal procedure (signature, publication in official gazette, prior legal opinion, etc.), unless it takes the form of an administrative or normative act.

Prudent application to the Argentine case

Since I do not have access in this conversation to the text of the Argentine Constitution, its organic laws of the Executive Power, or its internal communication regulations, I cannot detail:

• Whether there is a norm that requires a specific support (for example, decree or resolution) for this type of statements.
• Whether there are specific limits on content, timing, or shared competencies with other bodies when it comes to international sports.
• Whether any body (for example, the foreign ministry, sports secretariat, government communication) must intervene before issuing the message.

The most that can be stated rigorously is that, in most presidential systems, a statement about an international sporting event is usually issued as an exercise of the free institutional communication power of the Presidency, without the need for a prior formal legal requirement, as long as the general limits of the legal system (Constitution, criminal laws, equality norms, etc.) are respected. But I emphasize that this is a comparative inference and not the description of a specific Argentine provision.

How to verify specific legal requirements in Argentina

If a strictly legal and detailed answer about Argentina is desired, it would be necessary to:

• Review the Argentine National Constitution regarding the President's powers.
• Consult the laws organizing the Executive Power and regulating the issuance of official acts and communications.
• Analyze, if applicable, internal regulations of the Presidency or institutional communication manuals, if public.
• Contrast with the constitutional and political practice, that is, how these statements have historically been issued without being questioned for lack of legal basis.

Given my primary focus on Spanish politics and regulations, and the absence here of specific sources on Argentine regulation, no further verifiable information is available to specify concrete legal requirements about these presidential statements in Argentina.