The PSOE once again looks at one of the most traumatic chapters in its recent history. The publication of several unreleased videos from the Federal Committee of October 1, 2016, disseminated this week by The Objective, has reactivated the debate about how Pedro Sánchez fell as general secretary of the party and about the cross-accusations of irregularities during that day.
The images correspond to a meeting that lasted more than twelve hours and ended with Sánchez's resignation after an unprecedented internal battle between two opposing blocs: the supporters of the then socialist leader, known as pedristas, and the critical sector, identified with the then Andalusian president Susana Díaz, the so-called susanistas.
Who was Pedro Sánchez in 2016?
At that time, Pedro Sánchez was not president of the Government nor the consolidated leader who today leads the PSOE. He was secretary general since 2014 and faced strong internal opposition after two general elections without a clear majority and with the party in electoral decline.
The great strategic discussion revolved around what to do with the investiture of Mariano Rajoy, leader of the PP. A relevant part of the PSOE defended facilitating his Government through abstention to avoid a third election. Sánchez, on the other hand, rejected that option and explored an alternative majority with Podemos and other parliamentary forces.
Who was Susana Díaz in 2016?
Susana Díaz was then the leader with the most territorial power in the PSOE. She presided over the Junta de Andalucía and controlled the Andalusian socialist federation, historically the most influential federation in the party.
After being designated as Juan Antonio Griñán's successor in Andalusia, Díaz represented the internal alternative to Sánchez, more 'centrist' and connected with the party's old guard. Although she did not formalize her candidacy at that time, her political circle was key in the offensive that questioned the leadership of the general secretary, which had her enthronement as its backdrop. The confrontation between the two also symbolized two party models: one more linked to the traditional territorial apparatus and another that sought to rely on the membership.
What happened in the Federal Committee?
The immediate trigger was the resignation of 17 members of the Federal Executive, a maneuver driven by critics with the aim of forcing Sánchez's departure, a move concocted by Díaz's political 'family'.
The Federal Committee - the party's highest body between congresses - had to decide how to interpret that situation and what steps to take. What was supposed to be an internal meeting ended up becoming a chaotic day, with interruptions, recesses, discussions about the rules, and public confrontations. The new images revealed by The Objective show moments of maximum tension between the members of the board, especially during the debate on how to vote.
Why is there talk of a "rigged election"?
The word pucherazo is used in Spain to refer, colloquially, to an alleged electoral rigging or vote manipulation. It does not necessarily imply a proven crime, but rather the perception that a process has not been clean or transparent.
In this case, the term was used by leaders of the critical sector when a secret ballot vote was attempted to be enabled within an adjoining room, far from the visible plenary of the Committee.
Critics considered that this system lacked transparency and sought to benefit Sánchez. They advocated for a roll-call or show of hands vote so that each member would publicly identify themselves. Supporters of the ballot box argued, on the contrary, that the secret ballot protected Committee members from territorial pressures.
From the current PSOE leadership, an attempt has been made to lower the controversy caused by the images, alleging that the images respond to the “ordinary functioning of a face-to-face vote” and deny any irregularity.
From the overthrow to the return
After that night of political stabbings, Sánchez, who seemed finished, staged one of the most surprising returns to politics in democracy. Months later, he launched a direct campaign to the membership, toured Spain, and won the 2017 primaries against Susana Díaz and Patxi López.
That triumph changed the internal balance of the PSOE and consolidated Sánchez as the undisputed leader of the party. A year later he would arrive at La Moncloa after the motion of no confidence against Rajoy. That is why the Federal Committee of 2016 was not just an organic crisis: it was the breaking point that ended up redefining the leadership of the PSOE and subsequent Spanish politics.
Why does it affect the elections in Andalusia?
The internal crisis of 2016 is not just an episode of the past: it continues to have direct consequences on the Andalusian elections of May 17. María Jesús Montero, PSOE-A candidate, has opted for a strategy of integration among the different internal party factions and closed a non-aggression pact months ago with Susana Díaz, a former rival of sanchismo and a key figure in that stage. Montero has agreed to incorporate profiles linked to susanismo in the lists to avoid a new organic war in the middle of the campaign.
The decision responds to an evident political necessity. The Andalusian PSOE arrives at the electoral appointment with adverse polls and needs to transmit unity after years of divisions between currents: sanchistas, susanistas, historical provincial cadres and new profiles aligned with Ferraz. Reopening old confrontations now would be, according to party leaders, "looking for unnecessary problems".
For now, the strategy is not only not working but has brought new 'organic' shocks and additional problems in provinces. Not only has the 'susanista' sector not brought votes - the results of all the polls are there, almost always below the 2022 figures - but it has also caused problems when drawing up the lists, as has been seen in Cadiz.
In this way, although Susana Díaz will not be part of the candidacies, she maintains territorial influence and aligned leaders in several provinces, so her role remains relevant and entering the campaign and these new videos put the various political families on alert about how power could be left if there is an electoral debacle for those of María Jesús Montero.
Andalusia and the socialist 'goat'
Andalusia is not just any federation within the PSOE. For decades it was considered the great electoral bastion of Spanish socialism, to the point that Alfonso Guerra popularized the phrase that “in the PSOE we present a goat as a candidate and the goat wins”, due to the undeniable dominance of the party, especially in that community. However, that scenario has changed profoundly.
Since Susana Díaz won the2018 elections with the worst historical result for the Andalusian PSOE up to that point -surely due to the decision to decouple the general elections and give herself a distinct profile- losing the Junta and subsequently political power in the federation, the party has chained electoral setbacks and loss of national influence.
Panic at demobilization
The keyword is 'demobilization'. Here the socialist panic is every vote counts and from San Vicente, headquarters of the PSOE of Andalusia, they know that any sign of internal struggle can lead to a loss of votes that are urgently needed to plug an electoral disaster: that is why an agreement was reached on the lists of Cádiz - which according to various media threatened to 'throw in the towel' in the campaign and in this way any debate that reactivates the Sánchez-Díaz clash of 2016 not only stirs up old wounds: it affects an organization that is trying to rebuild and regain votes. A few days before the elections of May 17, the swords remain raised in the south.