The Congress's Commission on Economy, Trade, and Digital Transformation expects the Governor of the Bank of Spain, José Luis Escrivá, this Tuesday.
The appearance is scheduled for the presentation of the supervisor's latest Annual Report, published last week, but it also reserves a specific section at the request of Sumar, a minority partner in the Government: transparency, accountability, and open government.
The Plurinational Group has considerable reservations about Escrivá's management, whom they helped to lead the institution from the Council of Ministers, and about the latest accounts presented by the institution.
In fact, it filed objections to them from the Government's Delegate Commission for Economic Affairs (CDGAE) and from Congress itself. The Group sent the governor a letter, to which DEMÓCRATA had exclusive access, in which it outlines these doubts. And in which, in fact, it calls on the supervisor to reformulate them.
The friction, in any case, dates back to before Escrivá's arrival. They have repeatedly criticized the institution's management during the financial crisis, the lack of assumption of responsibility since then, and the proposed remedies. Also the lack of transparency, even denouncing the Bank's resistance to providing information in court, with the consequent condemnation of the supervisor by the Supreme Court.
Is there a risk of a bailout?
The institution, Sumar assures, faces a clear solvency problem. It presents a ratio of net equity to assets of 6.5% while the Eurosystem as a whole exceeds 20%. The Bank of Italy reaches 30.1% and the Bundesbank 15.6%. Counting unrealized losses, the ratio would stand at 0.75%. This is explained by "having such a comparatively small equity" and by the effects of monetary policy.
The cost of deposits paid to banks has involved interest payments to entities of 7,806 million in 2023, 8,036 million in 2024, and 4,448 million in 2025. The breakdown, bank by bank, of these returns, is the information that Sumar is demanding and that the supervisor still resists providing despite the Supreme Court's ruling.
For Sumar, this very low ratio "makes the Bank of Spain a risk to the State" given the situation of having to capitalize it, since the institution lost the possibility of operating with negative capital. For this reason, it demands that the institution carry out projections for possible crises and define strategies for a relevant eventual deterioration of its assets, as dictated by the experts convened by the institution at the time to improve accountability at the Bank.
The accounting technique
Sumar is not convinced by the way the supervisor presents its accounts. In fact, it points out that any other company would be committing an illegality, as it accuses the Bank of using provisions accumulated in previous years to offset losses in one year and, in more prosperous years, accumulating provisions to modulate annual profit.
"In the capital markets, this type of practice is associated with so-called 'earnings smoothing'," explains this political party, which has doubts about this practice, considering that any type of risk is not covered by accounting provisions, but by hedging instruments or adjustments to the balance sheet structure.
In total, it estimates that since the financial crisis, almost 33,000 million euros have been withdrawn, with 19,000 million currently accumulated in provisions.
The income statement, Sumar argues, does not faithfully reflect the result of the financial year, which is why it calls on the Bank to reformulate the accounts and include a detailed breakdown of the provisions in order to verify what justifies them and what use they have had.
Why are so many banknotes returned?
The Bank of Spain is the only central bank in the Eurozone that withdraws more banknotes than it issues, with the exception of Greece in the last year. But while in that country it reaches 6% of the total assigned, in Spain the return of banknotes exceeds 20%. An anomaly attributed to tourism but which, Sumar laments, is not supported by any analysis or evidence.
While acknowledging that it may be a cause, Sumar points out that other tourist countries such as France or Italy do not suffer from this phenomenon, and demands "a more convincing explanation" for this situation, which it links to the possible involvement of organized crime and money laundering in our country.
In fact, sources from the group assure DEMÓCRATA that this situation would be relatively easy to pursue by tracing the origin of the refunds on the map of bank branches which, they argue, potentially points to Madrid, and not to the locations on the coast, which are more intensive in terms of tourism.
What surveillance is there of 'shadow banking'?
This criticism is not massive but is one of the group's major concerns. They warn that entities, in order to release capital buffers without having to lose asset volume, are transferring risk to other funds, the so-called 'shadow banking'.
Entities could securitize mortgages to remove these risks from the bank, but this would reduce their assets. In order to release part of the capital that European regulations require, they transfer part of the risk to a fund, which undertakes to assume the first losses in the event of default on a loan.
What is the problem? That these funds are not under the radar of the Bank of Spain, which cannot detect if there is a solvency problem. And if a crisis comes and there are defaults, the bank faces these difficulties with less capital.
The risk can become even greater if, in the face of possible difficulties for the funds, they seek financing from other credit institutions, if not with the same ones that have transferred risk to them.
Sumar's concern is that the Bank is not looking at the solvency of these entities and subjecting them to some kind of surveillance, in addition to adopting precautions, such as prohibiting these types of transfers or the refinancing of funds.
