Feijóo reserves the announcement of the PP lists while anxiety increases among his parliamentarians

In the Spanish general elections, candidacies are submitted to the Electoral Administration and can only participate once the competent electoral board proclaims them. The procedure includes the accreditation of those promoting them, the submission of candidates and documents, the review of requirements, the correction of irregularities, and, when applicable, judicial challenges.

The main framework is the Organic Law of the General Electoral Regime (LOREG). It is important to distinguish between submitting a candidacy, which initiates its examination, and obtaining its proclamation, which allows participation in the election.

1. Who can submit candidacies

They can be submitted by registered parties and federations, coalitions formed to run jointly, and groups of voters. The latter are citizen initiatives that must demonstrate support through signatures. There are also requirements for endorsements for certain formations without parliamentary representation.

Coalitions must notify their formation to the Electoral Administration within the corresponding deadline. The participating organizations designate representatives who act as interlocutors and receive communications about the procedure.

2. Before whom and how are they submitted

For elections to the Congress and the Senate, submission is made before the Provincial Electoral Board corresponding to the constituency. It must be done within the legal deadline counted from the publication of the call; it is not enough to publicly announce the candidates.

The document identifies the promoting formation or group, its name and symbols, the candidates and, when applicable, their substitutes. It is accompanied by the individual acceptance of the candidates and the necessary documentation to prove their eligibility. If signatures are required, they must be provided with the guarantees needed to verify their validity.

3. Requirements for candidates and lists

Candidates must meet the conditions to exercise passive suffrage, that is, the right to be elected, and not be affected by a cause of ineligibility. This verification is different from incompatibilities, which may require choosing between positions after being elected.

In the Congress, ordered lists linked to the seats of each constituency are submitted. In the Senate, submission and voting follow a system of individual candidacies, although they may be grouped for identification. In both cases, applicable rules on balanced composition of women and men and simultaneous submission of candidacies must be respected.

4. Publication, review, and correction

Submitted candidacies are officially published. That initial publication does not equate to their proclamation: it allows the proposals to be known and precedes the final examination.

The electoral board checks the documentation, the composition of the candidacies, personal requirements, and required endorsements. If irregularities are detected, they are communicated to the representatives so they can correct them within the short legal deadline. Correction allows defects to be repaired but does not freely substitute the procedure nor allow the submission of a completely new candidacy outside the deadline.

5. Proclamation and appeals

Once the review is concluded, the board proclaims the candidacies that meet the requirements and publishes the agreement. Exclusions must respond to a legal cause and can be appealed through the special contentious-electoral procedure, which is expedited. When the fundamental right of political participation is affected, protection can also be requested before the Constitutional Court.

In practice, the decisive factor is to prepare the documentation before the call and monitor each notification: electoral deadlines are especially short. For a specific election, dates must be calculated according to the call and the official electoral calendar, without confusing submission, initial publication, and final proclamation.

The president of the PP has political leadership powers and intervention in the party's organization, but does not have a general competence to unilaterally designate all lead candidates. According to the Statutes approved in July 2025, the preparation, approval, and designation of candidacies corresponds to the electoral committees, with a central role for the National Electoral Committee.

1. The presidency leads but does not replace the electoral committee

Article 44 defines the president as the “highest responsible of the Party” in its territorial scope. It attributes political and legal representation, presidency of executive bodies, and political leadership. This position allows guiding the electoral strategy but does not turn all decisions about candidacies into a personal attribution of the president.

The distinction is important: politically leading the party is not equivalent to formally approving its lists. Presidential powers must be interpreted together with the specific competences that the Statutes reserve for other bodies. The main reference is the PP Statutes of 2025.

2. Who formally decides the lead candidates

Article 50.1 assigns electoral committees the matters related to the preparation of candidacies. Article 51 distributes competences according to the election and territorial scope. In particular, the National Electoral Committee has the following powers:

• Prepare and approve the candidacy for the European Parliament.
• Approve candidacies for the General Courts elections.
• Approve municipal candidacies for the capitals of autonomous communities and provinces.
• Designate candidates for the presidencies of autonomous governments and provincial councils, as well as for the position of general deputy.
• Designate candidates for the mayoralties of autonomous and provincial capitals and for island councils, insular councils, and general assemblies.
• Ratify Senate candidates designated by the autonomous electoral committees.

Therefore, for the number ones of the lists to the Congress, approval corresponds to the National Electoral Committee as part of the candidacy. For those aspiring to preside over autonomous governments, the Statutes expressly foresee their designation by that same body.

3. What specific intervention does the president have

Besides political leadership, the president intervenes in the configuration of the party's structure, including the designation of the presidents of the electoral committees. Members of these committees are appointed by the corresponding executive committee: this organic intervention should not be confused with the personal approval of each candidacy.

There is also an expressly relevant presidential power: Article 51.1 allows the National Electoral Committee to delegate competences to the autonomous electoral committees but requires the consent of the national president. The president can therefore condition that delegation. However, consent to delegate does not equate to individually assuming the delegated competence nor directly designating the candidate.

4. What this means in practice

It is necessary to distinguish between the political choice of a person, their public announcement, and the decision of the competent body. That a candidacy is presented as a decision of the president does not eliminate the statutory intervention of the corresponding electoral committee.

In conclusion: the president can guide and promote candidacies, influence through his organic powers, and grant or deny his consent to certain delegations. However, the Statutes assign the formal decision on lead candidates to the electoral committees according to each election; they do not establish a general presidential power that allows bypassing them.

To provide you with the PP results by constituency, I need you to specify which provinces or autonomous cities you want to consult: in this conversation, the list you refer to as "the mentioned constituencies" does not appear. The located electoral reference is the general elections of July 23, 2023, but it would not be correct to choose territories on my own and present them as if they were the ones you requested.

As guidance, the national result of the PP in those elections was 8,091,840 votes, 33.05%, and 137 deputies. It was the leading force in votes and seats across Spain. These figures serve as context but do not replace the territorial breakdown you request nor allow deducing how much the party obtained in each of the constituencies of your interest (23J results).

What the territorial breakdown will include

Once you specify the constituencies, the response can be organized with the same data for each one, so the comparison is clear:

• PP votes: the number of ballots obtained in each territory, avoiding confusion with the national total.
• Vote percentage: the support recorded within that constituency, accompanied by its reference so all figures are comparable.
• Deputies obtained: the seats the PP secured in that territory in the 2023 general elections.
• Electoral position: whether it was the most voted candidacy or if another obtained more support, without automatically transferring the national first position to the territory.
• Result nuances: any relevant difference between the initial count and the final result documented for that constituency.

An important nuance about the figures

It is advisable to use definitive results homogeneously, especially if you are going to compare seats. In Madrid, for example, the external vote in the July 2023 general elections allowed the PP to obtain a deputy that initially corresponded to the PSOE. Therefore, a figure published during the first count may not coincide with the final distribution. This case is covered by Demócrata on the external vote.

I mention Madrid only to illustrate that difference, not because it is confirmed as one of the constituencies you want to analyze. I also do not include regional results, polls, or electoral forecasts: they would answer different questions from yours, which asks for results of already held general elections.

What I need you to confirm

It is enough that you write the names of the territories, for example: "Madrid, Barcelona, and Valencia." That example does not presume they are the ones you had in mind. If the reference comes from a text or a previous conversation not shown here, you can copy just the phrase where the constituencies are listed; it is not necessary to reproduce the entire document.

With that precision, the result can be presented in a brief comparison of constituency, votes, percentage, and seats, followed by necessary clarifications. For now, the conclusion is concrete: the national result of the PP in the 23J is identified, but the names of the constituencies are missing to correctly answer your territorial question.