The big cities that were left without the 2026 World Cup: why there are no matches in Chicago, Las Vegas, Washington or Montreal

The 2026 World Cup will be played in 16 venues across the United States, Mexico, and Canada, but some of North America's most powerful cities have been left off the map. Chicago, Las Vegas, Washington, Phoenix, or Montreal will not host matches despite their sporting, tourist, or political weight. The reasons range from costs demanded by FIFA to the lack of adequate stadiums, logistical problems, contractual conditions, and doubts about the real impact for taxpayers.

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The 2026 World Cup is leaving images of packed stadiums, cities fully engaged, and thousands of fans traveling across North America. But the tournament's map also has major absences.

Chicago, Las Vegas, Washington, Phoenix, or Montreal have been left without matches despite being cities with sporting, tourist, economic, or political weight. Some withdrew due to costs and FIFA's demands. Others did not have a stadium that met the tournament's requirements. And others were left out during the selection process.

The result is striking: while cities like Los Angeles, Miami, Dallas, New York/New Jersey, Atlanta, Houston, Seattle, Toronto, Vancouver, Mexico City, or Monterrey are concentrating the World Cup spotlight, other major sporting capitals are following the tournament from the outside.

The question is obvious: why don't some of North America's most important cities have matches in the 2026 World Cup?

What are the venues for the 2026 World Cup

The 2026 World Cup will be played in 16 venues spread across the United States, Mexico, and Canada.

  • The United States concentrates the majority of matches, with venues such as New York/New Jersey, Los Angeles, Dallas, Miami, Atlanta, Houston, Philadelphia, Boston, Kansas City, Seattle, and San Francisco Bay Area.
  • Mexico has Mexico City, Guadalajara, and Monterrey.
  • Canada has matches in Toronto and Vancouver.

The selection left out several important cities that had been mentioned during the process or that, due to their size and sporting tradition, seemed like natural candidates.

Chicago: the most political "no" to FIFA

Chicago is one of the major absences from the 2026 World Cup.

The city was already a host in the 1994 World Cup and has a huge sports market, a relevant soccer community, and a strategic position in the Midwest. However, it decided to withdraw from the process.

The main reason was economic and political. Local authorities considered that FIFA was not offering sufficient guarantees regarding costs and risks for taxpayers.

The then-mayor Rahm Emanuel argued that the city could not accept an agreement where FIFA would keep a large portion of the profits while Chicago bore the expenses for security, transportation, logistics, and adaptation.

The decision seemed risky at the time. Today, with several venues facing millions in costs to host matches, many see it as a financially prudent choice.

Las Vegas: perfect city, problematic stadium

Las Vegas seemed like an obvious candidate.

The city has become a capital of American sports: NFL, NHL, Formula 1, major boxing matches, UFC, Super Bowl, casinos, betting, and mass tourism.

The problem was at Allegiant Stadium, the Raiders' stadium. Although it is modern, spectacular, and prepared for major events, its configuration did not fit well with FIFA's requirements for a World Cup.

The playing surface and the space available around the field posed difficulties in meeting the required dimensions and safety zones. Adapting it would have involved complex works, high costs, and possible closures or schedule alterations.

In a World Cup where FIFA demands very specific conditions regarding turf, width, technical areas, media, security, and hospitality, having a large NFL stadium is not always enough.

Washington: the capital without a World Cup stadium

Washington has also been left without matches, despite being the capital of the United States.

The problem was not a lack of political, tourist, or symbolic relevance. It was the lack of a suitable venue.

The old RFK Stadium, which did have football history and hosted matches in the 1994 World Cup, was no longer a viable option and was slated for demolition. The Commanders' stadium, located in Maryland, carried doubts regarding access, transportation, fan comfort, and logistics.

The bid eventually diluted, and Washington did not make the final list of host cities.

The paradox is evident: the United States, Mexico, and Canada World Cup will be played without matches in the US capital.

Phoenix: too much cost for Arizona

Phoenix and Arizona also decided to step aside.

The area has a large, modern stadium with a retractable roof, the State Farm Stadium, capable of hosting major events like the Super Bowl. Furthermore, its location near Mexico could have been attractive for a North American World Cup.

But the authorities considered that the cost of assuming FIFA's obligations was too high.

The official position was clear: the region could logistically organize an event of that scale, but it had to be financially responsible.

The comparison with the Super Bowl was important. Arizona already knew what organizing a major sporting event entails and concluded that the World Cup could impose a greater burden, with longer, more complex demands and less local control over revenue.

Montreal: the city that clashed with FIFA's conditions

Montreal is one of the great Canadian absences.

The city had elements to be a host: a tourist tradition, cultural weight, good location in eastern Canada, and an Olympic stadium with sufficient capacity.

But it withdrew its candidacy in 2021 due to the conditions demanded by FIFA.

One of the most controversial points was the control the organization wanted over public spaces and the calendar of major events. In Montreal, this clashed with established events such as the Formula 1 Grand Prix and other summer events.

Local leaders even accused FIFA of imposing excessive conditions and demanding a level of exclusivity that was difficult for a city with its own tourist agenda to accept.

Toronto and Vancouver did end up as Canadian hosts. Montreal, no.

 Other cities that also missed out

Chicago, Las Vegas, Washington, Phoenix, and Montreal are the most notable absences, but not the only ones.

Cities such as Detroit, Minneapolis, Charlotte, Cincinnati, Denver, Nashville, Orlando, Tampa, Salt Lake City, San Antonio, San Diego, Baltimore, or Edmonton also missed out or withdrew.

In some cases, costs were a factor. In others, the stadiums. In others, competition with nearby bids or the ability to meet all of FIFA's demands.

The process was especially tough because the 2026 World Cup, despite being the biggest in history, could not be everywhere. Even with 48 teams and 104 matches, FIFA had to concentrate the tournament in host cities capable of guaranteeing large stadiums, transportation, hotels, security, fan zones, airports, training grounds, and commercial control.

Why FIFA demands so much from host cities

Organizing World Cup matches is not just about opening a stadium.

FIFA demands very strict conditions regarding the playing field, pitch dimensions, security areas, press areas, VIP areas, access, transportation, hotels, training grounds, fan zones, signage, advertising, brand protection, and operational control of the environment.

Cities can receive tourism, international visibility, and economic activity. But they must also bear expenses for security, transportation, personnel, construction, crowd management, and public services.

That is why several cities decided that the business was not so clear.

The dilemma: world prestige or public bill

The World Cup generates enormous promise: millions of spectators, international tourism, consumption in hotels, bars, restaurants, shops, and transportation.

Economists and tourism experts usually warn that the effect must be measured city by city and match by match. It is not the same to host a semifinal, several matches of teams with large traveling fan bases, or matches with lower demand.

Furthermore, part of the tourism spending may substitute local consumption that would have occurred anyway. Residents also avoid saturated areas during major events.

Therein lies the dilemma for cities that were left out: lose a global showcase or avoid a public bill that is difficult to justify.

More key points, information and questions with FREN

AI-GENERATED CONTENT

What are the next steps in preparing the host cities for the 2026 World Cup and what deadlines must they meet according to FIFA?

At this moment, I do not have specific, verifiable, and up-to-date information about FIFA's exact schedule for the next steps in preparing the 2026 World Cup host cities nor about the concrete deadlines they must meet. I also do not currently have access to official FIFA documents (circulars, organization manuals, or host contracts) that detail these obligations city by city. Furthermore, my specialization is focused on politics and institutional current affairs, especially in Spain, and not on international sports organization. For all these reasons, I cannot provide you with a rigorous answer about the milestones and exact dates set by FIFA for the 2026 hosts.

Why I cannot specify FIFA deadlines

The type of information you are asking for —“next steps” and official “deadlines” set by FIFA— is usually contained in very specific documentation: the Host City Agreement, technical manuals for stadiums, mobility, security, and “fan experience,” as well as internal circulars to federations and organizing committees. To respond precisely, one would need to cite those documents, with clear deadlines (for example, milestones for completion of works, safety certifications, event tests, etc.). Without direct access to those sources in this environment, any attempt to specify weeks, months, or detailed requirements would, in practice, be an invention, something I cannot do.

Moreover, my work area focuses on political, regulatory, and social activity, especially in Spain: laws, government decisions, parliamentary debates, positions of parties and social actors. Although a World Cup has a very strong political and urban dimension (investments, municipal ordinances, public contracts, debates about spending and legacy), the part you ask about is directly related to FIFA's sports and contractual management, where I do not have my own verifiable data.

What I could analyze if we had the official information

From a political–institutional perspective, the “next steps” of a host city for a major sporting event usually translate into several lines of work affecting national, regional, and municipal governments. Although I cannot detail the FIFA 2026 calendar, I can explain what types of political and administrative processes are usually involved:

First, there are public investment decisions: budgets for stadiums (if publicly owned or co-financed), transport infrastructure, accommodation, security, and public space. This usually requires the approval of additional credits, budget modifications, or similar figures in the involved parliaments or municipal councils, which are processed with their own deadlines and political debates.

Second, there are local rules and ordinances linked to the event: regulation of terraces and public space occupation, events in “fan zones,” special commercial hours, mobility devices and traffic restrictions, as well as security measures and control of large crowds. All this is usually articulated through ordinances, mayoral decrees, regional decrees, or even specific laws for major events, depending on the country and city.

Third, there are public contracts and concessions related to World Cup preparation: construction, cleaning services, private security, transport, information technologies, etc. From a political point of view, public procurement systems, transparency and control mechanisms, and possible debates about cost overruns, project changes, or environmental and social impacts come into play here.

Limits of my specialization and how I can help you

My specialization lies in the analysis of politics and regulation, focusing on Spain: decisions of the central government, autonomous communities, city councils, activity of the General Courts, regional parliaments, and main political and social actors. Internationally, I can offer general political context but not detailed technical coverage of calendars and requirements of sports organizations like FIFA unless explicitly stated in accessible official sources.

If your interest relates to the political or regulatory impact of the 2026 World Cup —for example, how national and local governments are legislating or budgeting for the event, what debates exist about public spending, housing, tourism, or security, or how consortia and organizing committees are organized— I can help structure and analyze those aspects, provided we focus the conversation on the political and social dimension, especially in the Spanish case.

In summary, I cannot tell you what specific deadlines FIFA has set nor detail the official “roadmap” of the host cities towards 2026, because I do not have that documentation and should not speculate. But I can work with you on the political, institutional, and social angle of World Cup preparation, and help you formulate key questions to then cross-check with the appropriate sports and official sources.

What powers does the mayor of Chicago have in decision-making about major sporting events according to local legislation?

I do not have specific and verified information about the exact legal powers of the mayor of Chicago regarding major sporting events within local legislation (municipal ordinances, city statutes, or Illinois state regulations). Additionally, my specialization is politics and regulation in Spain, not U.S. municipal law. For that reason, I cannot rigorously detail what exact powers the mayor of Chicago has when approving, vetoing, financing, or conditioning this type of events. Below I explain these limits in more detail and what types of questions I can help you with precisely.

Limitations on information about Chicago

The question falls into a very specific area: the competence distribution within Chicago's local government (mayor, city council, agencies, and independent authorities) regarding major sporting events. To answer rigorously, it would be necessary to cite:

- The current text of the Municipal Code of Chicago or other local ordinances.
- Illinois state laws that delimit the mayor's power over contracts, licenses, use of public land, security, or event financing.
- Internal regulations specifying which decisions require city council approval and which are discretionary for the mayor or executive departments under their authority.

That information is not available in the sources I have access to. And, according to the instructions I must follow, I cannot infer or extrapolate legal data that is not expressly documented, nor “fill gaps” with assumptions based on generic U.S. local government models.

Why I cannot provide a list of specific powers

It would be relatively easy to offer a generic answer like: “The mayor usually has the capacity to sign contracts, promote bids for sporting events, or coordinate security,” but that would be a speculation that might not fit Chicago's particular legal configuration.

In comparative politics and public law, nuances matter a lot. For example:

- In some municipalities, authorization of major events mainly falls to the city council or a specific authority (e.g., a stadium or fairgrounds body).
- In others, the mayor concentrates more executive power but may be subject to budgetary, public procurement, or urban and environmental impact controls.
- Even when the mayor is the visible face of the decision, effective legal powers may belong to technical departments or independent boards.

Without access to Chicago's specific regulations or local law analyses, I cannot say with certainty what happens there regarding organizing major sporting events (championships, finals, Olympic bids, etc.).

What I am specialized in

My area of specialization is politics and regulation, mainly in the Spanish context. I can provide detailed and updated information, for example, about:

- Central government of Spain: powers of the president, ministers, and collegiate bodies; functioning of the Council of Ministers; processing of royal decree-laws and bills.
- General Courts: Congress and Senate, parliamentary groups, legislative initiatives, government oversight, relevant votes, and majority evolution.
- Autonomous communities and Spanish municipalities: distribution of powers, elections, government formation, relevant ordinances, and major territorial debates.
- Political and social current affairs in Spain: party positions, ongoing legislative reforms, political impact of executive or legislative decisions, and journalistic coverage, including that of the newspaper Demócrata.

I can also help interpret the political and regulatory context of major sporting events in Spain: for example, what role a Spanish mayor plays in granting licenses, ceding municipal spaces, or negotiating with clubs and federations.

How you could obtain the specific answer about Chicago

If you need a strictly legal answer about Chicago, the most reliable would be to consult:

- The text of the Municipal Code of Chicago and ordinances on public space use, mass events, contracts, and public sponsorship.
- The institutional website of the City of Chicago, where the functions of the mayor and City Council are usually described.
- Reports or local law analyses prepared by Illinois universities or think tanks specialized in urban government.

With all that, you could precisely identify which decisions about major sporting events correspond to the mayor, which require council approval, and what role other agencies or public bodies play.

What were the results of the last municipal elections in Montreal and which party currently governs the city?

The last municipal elections in Montreal were held in November 2021 and resulted in the current mayor Valérie Plante winning. Her party, Projet Montréal, retained the mayoralty and obtained the majority of seats on the city council against the coalition led by Denis Coderre. Based on those results, Projet Montréal currently governs the city, with Plante serving her second consecutive term as mayor. My information is up to 2024; no changes in municipal government after those elections are recorded in the available sources.

Context of the 2021 municipal elections

The 2021 elections were a repeat of the political contest between Valérie Plante and Denis Coderre, who had already faced off in 2017. In that election, Plante surprised by defeating former mayor Coderre and became the first woman to lead Montreal. In 2021, the scenario was of a mayor seeking re-election defending her management in urban planning, public transport, housing, and ecological transition against a candidate presenting himself as a more favorable option for classic economic development and a closer relationship with certain business sectors.

The 2021 campaign debated issues very similar to those structuring municipal debate in many large cities: the balance between real estate expansion and neighborhood protection, public transport funding, urban space security, and the pandemic's impact on local commerce. Projet Montréal focused its message on sustainable mobility, bike lanes, neighborhood revitalization, and affordable housing, while Denis Coderre's candidacy advocated a “relaunch” economic vision with greater emphasis on cars and attracting private investment.

Results and balance of power

In terms of popular vote, Valérie Plante obtained just over half of the valid votes cast for mayor, which meant a clear and more comfortable victory than in 2017. Denis Coderre came in second with a difference of several percentage points and later announced his withdrawal from local political life. This gap consolidated Projet Montréal as the hegemonic force in the city.

In the city council, Plante's candidacy also came out strengthened. Projet Montréal obtained a clear majority of councilors, enough to govern without needing stable pacts with other forces. Although other groups and independent candidates are present on the council, Projet Montréal's numerical weight allows the municipal executive to advance its main urban policy lines with relative ease, always within the internal balances typical of any large municipal coalition.

Who currently governs Montreal

Based on those results, the city government is headed by Valérie Plante as mayor and by the party-movement Projet Montréal as the dominant force. It is a progressive-oriented formation strongly focused on city policies: sustainable urban planning, neighborhood participation, public transport, active mobility, and climate change adaptation are some of its pillars. Under its leadership, measures such as expanding cycling networks, partial pedestrianizations, and an ambitious local climate agenda have been promoted.

In practice, this means that, in the period after 2021 and up to the latest available references (2024), Montreal has maintained a government line prioritizing urban planning oriented to quality of life and ecological transition, even when some of these decisions have been controversial for sectors that would prefer greater priority for motor traffic or certain real estate projects.

Limitations and temporal precision

It is important to emphasize that my main specialization is politics and institutional activity in Spain; in the case of Canadian municipal elections like Montreal's, I have general information but not as fine a follow-up as I could offer on a Spanish process. Also, my knowledge is updated only until autumn 2024. Up to that date, there is no reference to an early election or a change of majority that has displaced Valérie Plante or Projet Montréal.

Therefore, for practical purposes, it can be stated that, based on the results of the last municipal elections held in November 2021, Projet Montréal currently governs the city of Montreal, with Valérie Plante serving as mayor in her second term. If you need ultra-precise data on vote percentages or the exact distribution of councilors by district, it would be best to consult official statistics published by Montreal's electoral authority or by the City Hall itself, which offer detailed and updated results.

What main measures has Valérie Plante promoted in Montreal since her re-election in 2021? How does Projet Montréal's program compare with those of other municipal parties in the city? When are the next municipal elections in Montreal scheduled and what political scenario is anticipated?

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