The Congress's Board vetoes Junts' and PP's initiatives to vote in Congress for an early election

Procedure for the admission of amendments for processing in the Congress of Deputies

The parliamentary procedure for the admission of amendments for processing in the Congress of Deputies revolves around the Chamber's Rules of Procedure and the actions of the Board of the Congress, the Committee Boards, and the Chamber Services. Amendments are submitted within the deadline and in the proper form, are evaluated by the competent body, and if they meet the formal and substantive requirements, they are admitted for debate and voting. When they do not meet these requirements, they may be rejected, with the possibility of correction in case of formal defects and appeal against the Board's decision. The entire system seeks to ensure that only relevant and properly formulated proposals are debated, without unjustifiably restricting the rights of deputies and parliamentary groups.

1. Submission of amendments: who, how, and when

The submission of amendments occurs once a bill or legislative proposal has been admitted for processing and referred to the competent committee. From that moment, the Board of the Congress or, during the internal work phase, the Committee Board, sets a specific deadline for the submission of amendments, which is officially communicated to the groups and deputies. Amendments must always be submitted in writing, signed by the proposing deputy or parliamentary group, and registered through the Chamber Services, which are responsible for formally and orderly recording all of them.

From a substantive point of view, a distinction can be made between total amendments, which seek the return or rejection of the entire text, and partial amendments, which aim to modify, add, or delete specific articles, provisions, or parts of the legislative text. This distinction is important because it conditions both the body that debates them (Plenary or Committee) and the procedural moment in which they are discussed.

2. Evaluation and control of requirements

Once submitted, the amendments enter the evaluation phase. The Board of the Congress and the Committee Boards play a central role, assisted technically by the Chamber Services. The evaluation consists of verifying that the amendments meet the formal requirements: submission within the established deadline, valid signature, clear identification of the provision to which they refer, and compliance with the Rules of Procedure. At the same time, a minimal substantive control is carried out, checking that the amendment is related to the object of the initiative and does not exceed the scope of the debate.

When purely formal defects are detected — for example, an incorrect reference to an article, lack of signature, or poor identification of the proposer — it is usual to grant a brief correction period. This mechanism allows for the correction of involuntary errors without sacrificing the right to amend, maintaining a balance between procedural rigor and parliamentary flexibility.

3. Admission and rejection: criteria and competent bodies

If, after evaluation, the corresponding Board considers that the amendment meets the regulatory requirements, it proceeds to admit it for processing. Admitted amendments are incorporated into the initiative's dossier and move on to the drafting and committee phase or, in the case of total amendments, to the Plenary agenda. Conversely, when the Board detects serious or irremediable non-compliance, it may decide to reject the amendment.

Reasons for rejection may be formal — submission after the deadline, absence of signature, submission by an unauthorized person — or substantive — lack of connection with the object of the initiative, attempt to introduce unrelated or incompatible matters with the law's title, or manifest contradiction with basic regulatory norms, such as the prohibition of amendments that constitute legislative initiative on matters reserved for the Government without following the proper procedure. In all cases, the rejection decision corresponds to the Board of the body processing the amendment (Committee Board during the committee phase; Congress Board in Plenary cases or in review of decisions).

4. Appeals and review of rejections

Against the rejection of an amendment, the affected parliamentary group or deputy may file an appeal before the Congress Board, which acts as the reviewing instance of the Committee Boards' decisions. This appeal allows alleging violation of the Rules of Procedure, excessive strictness in assessing requirements, or restrictive interpretation of the right to amend. The Congress Board, after reviewing the appeal and the reports from the Chamber Services, may confirm the rejection, revoke it and order the admission of the amendment, or modulate its scope.

In cases of greater political or legal significance, the matter may reach the Plenary itself, which is the supreme body of the Chamber. The Plenary may rule, directly or indirectly, on the admission of certain amendments, especially when their exclusion could significantly affect the final content of the norm or the participation rights of the groups.

5. Debate and fate of admitted amendments

Amendments that pass all admission filters are debated and voted on in the corresponding phase. Partial amendments are usually handled in the Drafting Committee and the Committee, where they may be subject to negotiation and give rise to transactional amendments that combine proposals from several groups. Total amendments are discussed in the Plenary, in a specific debate whose outcome may result in the return of the bill to the Government or the continuation of its processing.

Additionally, transactional amendments may be submitted even during the Plenary debate, provided they have the agreement of the involved groups and the authorization of the Board. Overall, the procedure of submission, evaluation, admission, rejection, and possible appeal forms a guarantee framework that seeks to balance regulatory control with political plurality and the real capacity to modify legislative texts.

The President of the Congress of Deputies is the highest authority of the Lower House and exercises a broad set of competencies that combine institutional functions, parliamentary leadership, representation, and coordination with other branches of the State. Her fundamental legal framework is found in the Spanish Constitution (arts. 66‑72) and the Rules of the Congress, which specify her powers. From presiding over debates and organizing parliamentary work to intervening in motions of censure or in the proclamation of the King, her role is key to the regular functioning of the Cortes. Additionally, she guarantees respect for the Constitution and the Rules within the Congress and symbolizes the autonomy of the Chamber vis-à-vis other powers.

Legal basis of the Presidency

The 1978 Spanish Constitution, in its articles 66 to 72, regulates the position of the Congress of Deputies within the Cortes Generales and refers the internal organization of the Chamber to its Rules of Procedure. The Rules of the Congress of Deputies develop in detail the figure of the Presidency: organization of internal bodies, procedure for adopting agreements, session regime, and discipline. Alongside this, organic laws such as the Organic Law of the General Electoral Regime or norms about the Head of State condition some of her functions in specific procedures (dissolutions, proclamation of the King, etc.).

Internal institutional functions

Institutionally, the President is the official representative of the Congress in all acts and before other institutions, acting as the Chamber's organic “voice.” The Rules (art. 15) also assign her the custody and preservation of official documents, which includes ensuring the integrity of minutes, legislative files, and parliamentary documentation. She is responsible for guaranteeing that work is carried out in accordance with the Constitution, the Rules themselves, and other applicable norms, acting as guarantor of internal legality and parliamentary autonomy.

Parliamentary functions: leadership of work

An essential part of her powers relates to the organization of parliamentary work. The President convenes the sessions of the Plenary and the Board of the Congress, thereby setting the pace of the Chamber's activity. According to the Rules (arts. 15 and 23), she participates, together with the Board and the Spokespersons' Board, in the preparation and setting of the agenda, deciding which matters are addressed and when, within regulatory margins (constitutional priorities, legal deadlines, etc.).

Additionally, she participates in the admission for processing of parliamentary initiatives (bills and legislative proposals, non-legislative proposals, motions, questions, and requests for appearances). The Board, chaired by her, decides whether initiatives meet the formal and substantive requirements demanded by the Rules, being able to reject them when they infringe these requirements.

Direction of debates and parliamentary discipline

The President presides over and moderates plenary sessions, directing debates and the conduct of votes (Rules, art. 16). This includes granting and withdrawing the right to speak, ordering speaking turns according to the Rules, and ensuring the correct formation of the Plenary's will in votes.

Regarding internal order, she exercises parliamentary discipline. She may call deputies to order when their conduct or words violate the Rules or offend the Chamber's decorum, and impose disciplinary measures. These measures include withdrawal of the floor, temporary expulsion from the chamber, or sanctions provided in articles 17 and 18 of the Rules. These disciplinary powers are essential to ensure institutional respect and the normal development of debates.

Representative functions and relations with other powers

The President maintains institutional communication with the Government, channeling writings, initiatives, and appearances (art. 66.2 CE and Rules, art. 15). She also assumes the representation of the Congress in its relations with the Senate, including coordination of joint sessions or shared acts. Internationally, she leads the Congress's participation in parliamentary assemblies, official visits, and meetings with parliaments of other countries and international organizations.

Role in exceptional situations and key procedures

At certain critical moments in the political system, the President performs very specific functions. In case of dissolution of the Congress, she receives the formal communication from the Prime Minister and, according to the Constitution and the Rules (art. 15), manages internal aspects related to the closure of the legislature and the electoral call.

Regarding the motion of censure, provided for in article 113 of the Constitution, the President receives and evaluates the motion presented by at least one-tenth of the deputies and organizes its processing (Rules, art. 175). She must convene the Plenary for debate and voting within constitutional deadlines, ensuring respect for the “constructive censure” procedure (existence of an alternative candidate).

She also has a relevant role in situations affecting the Head of State. According to articles 59 and 60 of the Constitution, she intervenes in the presidency or promotion of parliamentary bodies involved in the proclamation of the King, the possible designation of a Regency, or the declaration of the monarch's incapacity, through mixed Congress-Senate commissions in which the Presidency of the Congress holds a central position. Thus, her figure stands at the crossroads between the legislative power and the stability of the Crown as an institution.

Overall, the President of the Congress concentrates functions ranging from the daily management of debates to intervention in exceptional circumstances, embodying the authority and autonomy of the Lower House within the Spanish constitutional system.

Results of 23J and current distribution of seats in the Congress

The last general elections in Spain were held on July 23, 2023, with a turnout of 66.56%. The Popular Party was the most voted force with 137 seats, followed by the PSOE with 121, Vox with 33, and Sumar with 31, while the rest of the chamber was divided among nationalist and regionalist formations such as ERC, Junts, EH Bildu, PNV, BNG, CCa, and UPN. As of today, the exact distribution of seats by political group (taking into account absences, substitutions, or group changes) cannot be precisely determined with the available sources, but the balance of blocs is known: the Government (PSOE and Sumar) totals 147 deputies and the PP‑Vox‑UPN bloc reaches 171. The Executive completes the absolute majority of 176 with the support of its investiture partners (ERC, Junts, EH Bildu, PNV, Podemos in the Mixed Group, BNG, and Canary Coalition).

1. Official result of the last general elections (23J 2023)

According to the official results of July 23, 2023, the political forces obtained the following representation in the Congress of Deputies:

– PP: 137 seats, with 8,091,840 votes (33.1%)
– PSOE: 121 seats, with 7,760,970 votes (31.7%)
– Vox: 33 seats, with 3,033,744 votes (12.4%)
– Sumar: 31 seats, with 3,014,006 votes (12.3%)
– ERC: 7 seats, with 462,883 votes (1.9%)
– Junts: 7 seats, with 392,634 votes (1.6%)
– EH Bildu: 6 seats, with 333,362 votes (1.4%)
– EAJ‑PNV: 5 seats, with 275,782 votes (1.1%)
– BNG: 1 seat, with 152,327 votes (0.6%)
– Canary Coalition (CCa): 1 seat, with 114,718 votes (0.5%)
– UPN: 1 seat, with 51,764 votes (0.2%)

These data can be consulted in detail in official results and electoral aggregators, such as RTVE – General Elections Results 2023, Congress of Deputies – General Elections, Ministry of the Interior – Infoelectoral, and press specials like El País – General Elections Congress.

2. Parliamentary groups and blocs after 23J

Based on these results, the groups in the Congress were formed. In practice, the Government bloc is structured around PSOE and the Sumar Parliamentary Group, and the main opposition bloc around PP and Vox, with UPN integrated into the Popular Group. Nationalist and regionalist parties (ERC, Junts, EH Bildu, PNV, BNG, CCa) are divided between their own groups and the Mixed Group, depending on whether they meet regulatory requirements.

Available sources do not precisely break down, as of 06-16-2026, the exact number of deputies each parliamentary group has after all internal adjustments, but they do allow mapping the political support sustaining the Government and the opposition.

3. Changes during the legislature: absences, substitutions, and move to the Mixed Group

Since the beginning of the legislature, the Congress has experienced a notable renewal of its members. According to the analysis by Demócrata – The Congress has renewed almost one in ten seats since the start of the legislature, 33 of the 350 seats have changed holders, that is, 9.42% of the Chamber.

The impact by groups has been as follows: PSOE has suffered 21 absences (18.33% of its group), PP 8 absences (5.38%), Sumar 2 (7.40%), Vox 1 (3%), and Junts 1 (14.28%). In many cases, this is because deputies have joined the Government as ministers or other executive, diplomatic, regional, or European positions, being replaced by the next on the list.

A key political change has been the departure of Podemos from the Sumar Plurinational Group: its five deputies moved to the Mixed Group. This split does not alter the total number of seats per party but does affect the internal distribution by groups and complicates coordination of the space to the left of the PSOE. The evolution of this bloc and the investiture partners is analyzed in Demócrata – Partners who pressure but do not strangle: past and present of the investiture bloc in the Congress.

4. Current balance of forces by blocs

With the available information, the current parliamentary arithmetic can be summarized as follows:

– Government (PSOE + Sumar): 147 seats.
– PP‑Vox‑UPN bloc: 171 seats.
– Essential investiture partners: ERC (7), Junts (7), EH Bildu (6), PNV (5), Podemos in the Mixed Group (5), BNG (1), and CCa (1).

That is, the absolute majority (176) is only reached by adding a substantial part of these partners to the Government coalition. The exact composition of each political group (PSOE, Sumar, PP, Vox, mixed, and nationalist groups) on a specific date today cannot be numerically detailed with total certainty from the consulted sources, but the distribution of forces by blocs and the initial 23J result are clearly established.