Sweden votes today: the left is ahead and the far-right may enter the Government

Sweden votes this Sunday, September 13, in an election that has narrowed to practically a tie. The latest Ipsos translates the race to 175 seats for the opposition of Magdalena Andersson and 174 for the block of Prime Minister Ulf Kristersson. At stake is something more than the Government: the Sweden Democrats could enter the Executive for the first time after four years supporting it from the outside.

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Elecciones 29N · Encuestas

La media de las encuestas

Media a 8 de noviembre de 2026 · 11 institutos

  • PP30,8 %
  • PSOE26,2 %
  • Vox19,5 %
  • Frente Amplio6,8 %
  • ERC2,6 %
  • Podemos2,0 %
01020304050ene 2024jul 2024ene 2025jul 2025ene 2026jul 2026

Media del último estudio de cada instituto en 30 días y su evolución semanal desde el 23J. Partidos con al menos un 2 %.

Todas las encuestas

Elecciones generales del 29 de noviembre · Demócrata

Sweden goes to the polls with an election that just a month ago seemed on track and that this Sunday could be resolved by a single deputy.

The polling stations open at 08:00 and will close at 20:00, exactly the same time as in mainland Spain. At that moment, the counting of the 349 seats in the Riksdag will begin. The majority is at 175.

The opposition led by social democrat Magdalena Andersson continues slightly ahead, but the huge advantage it had during the summer has evaporated.

Reuters places the latest projections for the opposition bloc between 175 and 180 deputies and the right-wing bloc between 169 and 174. The most extreme snapshot came on Friday with Ipsos: 49.3% versus 49% and a translation in seats of 175 to 174.

It is hard to imagine a more open election.

This is how the eight parties arrive

An average of seven institutes updated on September 12 places the social democrats as the leading force and keeps the Sweden Democrats ahead of Kristersson's Moderates. The big news of the last week is that the Liberals have regained ground and are once again appearing above the decisive threshold of 4%.

Party Average of polls Result 2022
Social Democrats (S) 27.8% 30.33%
Sweden Democrats (SD) 19.0% 20.54%
Moderates (M) 17.2% 19.10%
Center Party (C) 7.8% 6.71%
Left Party (V) 7.8% 6.75%
Greens (MP) 7.1% 5.08%
Christian Democrats (KD) 6.3% 5.34%
Liberals (L) 5.0% 4.61%

The percentages for 2022 come from the definitive result of the Swedish Electoral Authority. The current average is an aggregation of the latest polls from Demoskop, Indikator, Infostat, Ipsos, Novus, Sentio, and Verian, not an electoral prediction.

The big question: if the far-right finally enters the Government

The Sweden Democrats already have power.

Since 2022, they have been supporting Ulf Kristersson's Government in parliament and have conditioned a good part of its migration, criminal, and cultural policy.

Kristersson has explicitly opened the door for Jimmie Åkesson's party to be part of the next Executive if the bloc wins. It would be the first time the Sweden Democrats occupy ministries since their foundation.

A few years ago, the rest of the major Swedish parties avoided any cooperation with a formation that has its origins in far-right and neo-Nazi environments from the eighties.

In 2022, it already became the second national force with 20.54% and 73 deputies.

Now it does not need to grow to enormously increase its power.

It is enough for him that his bloc wins.

Kristersson can win the Government and come in third

The polls currently place the Sweden Democrats ahead of the Prime Minister's own Moderate Party.

Demoskop placed SD at 19.5% on Friday and M at 18.1%. Ipsos gave 18.8% to SD and 18.3% to the Moderates.

Therefore, Kristersson could retain the leadership of the Government while being the leader of the third party in Sweden.

The bloc's agreement still presents him as a candidate for Prime Minister, but a wide margin in favor of Åkesson would extraordinarily increase SD's negotiating power over ministries and the program.

This evening, two results will need to be looked at simultaneously.

  • Who wins between blocs.
  • And who wins within the right.

The party that can decide all of Sweden has around 5%

They are not Social Democrats, Moderates, or Sweden Democrats. They are the Liberals.

The Swedish electoral system establishes that a party needs at least 4% nationally to participate in the distribution of seats, except for the exception of reaching 12% in a constituency to compete for the fixed seats in that area.

For a good part of the legislature, the Liberals remained below 4%. Just a few weeks ago, they seemed doomed to exit Parliament. And then the comeback began.

Novus placed them at 5.8% on Wednesday. Demoskop left them at 4.7% on Friday and Ipsos at 5%.

If they maintain that, the right retains all its components.

If they fall below 4%, a significant portion of the bloc's votes would remain without national representation and the distribution of seats could clearly tilt towards Andersson.

This evening, every tenth of the Liberals around 4% matters as much as the result of the major parties.

Criminal gangs have marked four years of Government

Organized crime has been one of the major issues of the legislature.

The most recent police diagnosis identifies approximately 17,500 people as active in criminal networks and another 50,000 with links to them. In total, about 67,500 people. The Police themselves warn that methodological changes prevent interpreting the increase compared to previous years as an equivalent growth of the gangs.

The Government has toughened penalties, expanded police powers, and adopted measures that a decade ago would have been extraordinary in Sweden.

And there is a fact that the right claims.

Shooting incidents have fallen sharply.

Between January and August 2026, there were 53, compared to 114 in the same period of 2025. The explosions also decreased from 139 to 75.

The Police avoid attributing all that decrease to a single policy, but acknowledge that their new tools, arrests in Sweden and abroad, and the weakening of certain groups have contributed.

Immigration: the other turn of Sweden

The transformation has also been migratory.

The Kristersson Government has tightened the conditions for residence, eliminated certain pathways to permanent residence, and implemented citizenship tests.

Since January, it even offers up to 350,000 Swedish crowns, approximately 37,000 dollars, to certain non-EU immigrants who decide to voluntarily return to their country.

Only 171 people had accepted by early September.

The Social Democrats have criticized parts of that program, but they also do not promise to return to the Swedish migration model prior to 2015.

That is one of the most evident ideological victories of the Sweden Democrats: even a victory for the left does not necessarily imply undoing the migration tightening.

Magdalena Andersson can win and have a problem the next day

The left has another dilemma.

The polls can give her 175 deputies. That does not mean there is already a Government prepared.

The bloc includes Social Democrats, Greens, Left Party, and Center Party.

But Center refuses to participate in a Government that includes the Left, while the Left demands a much greater influence and has expressed its willingness to be part of the Executive.

Andersson can win the elections and wake up on Monday having to build a majority among parties that are arithmetically needed and politically rejected.

Sweden does not directly elect its prime minister

There is another important detail to interpret the results. The Swedes elect 349 deputies. Then the Government is decided.

Sweden uses a system of negative parliamentarism: a candidate can be elected prime minister as long as they do not have 175 deputies or more voting expressly against them. They do not need to obtain 175 yes votes.

This greatly expands the possibilities of abstention agreements.

And it means that the bloc with the most seats does not necessarily automatically produce a coalition Government among all its members.

The economy worries, but does not separate as much as the Government

Cost of living, healthcare, education, taxes, and energy have occupied a large part of the campaign. In foreign policy, the distances are much smaller.

The two major blocs support Ukraine, Swedish rearmament, and integration into NATO.

The election has therefore largely become a question of how to govern Sweden internally.

More welfare state and redistribution with Andersson.

More continuity in security, immigration, and tax cuts with Kristersson.

And, above all, a question that would have seemed unthinkable a decade ago: whether the Swedish Democrats should hold ministries.

The last figure to remember: 175

Everything will end up revolving around that number.

349 deputies.

175 to have an absolute majority.

Ipsos arrives at the election day with a projection of 175-174 for Andersson.

In 2022, Kristersson's bloc also ended with a minimal advantage and the result was not fully settled the same night.

More key points, information and questions with FREN

AI-GENERATED CONTENT

What are the powers of the Prime Minister of Sweden according to the Swedish Constitution?

In the Swedish constitutional system, the powers of the Prime Minister (statsminister) are mainly regulated in the Instrument of Government (Regeringsformen), one of Sweden's four Fundamental Laws. Although formally the Government acts collegially, the Constitution recognizes the Prime Minister as the head of the executive power and the highest responsible for government action.

Appointment and political responsibility

The Prime Minister is elected by the Riksdag (Parliament) upon the proposal of its speaker. The Constitution establishes that the candidate is invested unless an absolute majority of members vote against. From that moment:

  • He assumes the direction of the Government, that is, coordinates and guides its general policy.
  • He is politically accountable to the Riksdag, which can force his dismissal through a motion of no confidence.
  • If the Prime Minister resigns, the entire Government is considered to have resigned.

Appointment and dismissal of ministers

One of his core powers is to form the cabinet:

  • The Prime Minister freely appoints and dismisses the other ministers.
  • He decides the internal structure of the Government: which departments exist, which portfolios are combined or separated, and what functions are assigned to each minister.
  • He can demand the resignation of a minister at any time, without direct intervention from the Riksdag.

In this way, the Prime Minister controls the political and technical composition of the Executive, within the parliamentary balances necessary to maintain the confidence of the Chamber.

Direction of government policy

According to the Instrument of Government, the Prime Minister directs and coordinates the work of the Government. In practical terms, this implies:

  • Setting the general political priorities of the Executive and its main programmatic orientations.
  • Presiding over Government meetings (kabinettsammanträden) and guiding deliberations.
  • Ensuring the coherence of government action among ministries and resolving conflicts of competence between them.
  • Supervising the preparation of legislative projects, especially the state budget proposal, which the Government presents to the Riksdag.

Although formal decisions are usually made collegially, the ability to set the agenda and coordinate ministers gives the Prime Minister a preeminent position in policy-making.

Relations with Parliament and accountability

The Swedish Constitution rests on the principle of negative parliamentarism and a Government responsible to the Riksdag. Among the Prime Minister's functions linked to this relationship are:

  • Regularly informing the Riksdag about the general situation of the Government and its policies.
  • Responding to interpellations and questions posed by members, especially during "question time" sessions.
  • Reacting to a loss of confidence: if the Riksdag approves a motion of no confidence against the Prime Minister, he must resign or call early elections.

Additionally, the Prime Minister proposes to the speaker of the Riksdag the calling of extraordinary elections within the limits set by the Constitution, although this power is exercised under conditions and cannot be used immediately after general elections.

Foreign relations and the European Union

Since the 1974 constitutional reform, the head of State (the king) has essentially representative functions, so the effective direction of foreign policy corresponds to the Government. In this area:

  • The Prime Minister acts as the highest political representative of the country abroad, especially in the European Council and in high-level international meetings.
  • He coordinates, together with the Minister of Foreign Affairs, the Swedish position in the EU and other international organizations.
  • He must keep the Riksdag informed, which retains relevant competences in foreign and security matters.

Administrative organization and law enforcement

The Swedish Government, under the direction of the Prime Minister, is responsible for the execution of laws and decisions of the Riksdag. The Prime Minister:

  • Supervises the work of the Prime Minister's Office and coordinates with the Government Chancellery (Statsrådsberedningen and other departments).
  • Promotes the adoption of regulations and other executive norms necessary to apply the laws.
  • Assumes ultimate responsibility that the public administration acts according to government guidelines and the legal framework, although administrative agencies enjoy some autonomy.

In summary, the Swedish Constitution configures the Prime Minister as the center of gravity of the executive power: he chooses and dismisses ministers, directs government policy and relations with Parliament and abroad, and guarantees the execution of laws, all under the constant control of the Riksdag and within a strongly parliamentary and collegial model.

What results did the main Swedish parties obtain in the general elections prior to 2022?

I have not been able to locate, in the sources available to me in this search session, reliable and specific data on vote percentages and seat distribution for each of the main Swedish parties in the general elections to the Riksdag immediately prior to 2022 (that is, the 2018 Swedish general elections). The queries made have returned content completely unrelated to the question (press releases about meat consumption, recycling, etc.), without usable electoral information.

This means that, for this specific conversation, I do not have a verified table with the votes and seats of: Social Democrats (SAP), Moderates (M), Sweden Democrats (SD), Centre Party (C), Left Party (V), Christian Democrats (KD), Liberals (L), and Green Party (MP) in 2018. Since my operation in this mode requires me to base the answer exclusively on what the search tools return in this same iteration, I cannot "fill in" the percentages and seats from prior memory or general knowledge, even though the overall results of those elections are well known and easily consultable in other sources.

That said, I can guide you on how to obtain the exact and fully detailed information for each political formation:

  • The most direct and authoritative source is the Swedish Election Authority (Valmyndigheten). On its official website, the complete results of all Riksdag elections are published, with:
    • National vote percentage by party.
    • Number of absolute votes.
    • Total seat distribution.
    • Breakdown by constituency and, in many cases, by municipality.
    It would suffice to access the elections section, select Riksdagsval 2018 and filter by national results.
  • Another useful route is the result sheets from international organizations that consolidate electoral data, such as:
    • The statistical office of the European Union, which usually refers to national detail.
    • Academic databases or projects specialized in comparative elections (for example, university political science projects).
    These resources usually present pre-made tables with comparable percentages and seats between countries and election calls.
  • Finally, political analysis reports on Sweden prepared by think tanks, parliamentary research services, or European research centers often include summary tables with:
    • Vote percentage of each party.
    • Variation compared to the previous election.
    • Net loss or gain of seats.
    These documents are especially useful if, besides numerical data, you are interested in interpreting the relative weight of each formation in the Swedish party system.

From the comparative perspective of political systems, the 2018 results are relevant because they constitute the immediate framework prior to 2022. They allow seeing:

  • Which parties were already strong and which were rising or declining.
  • How the center-left and center-right blocs were fragmented.
  • The swing or influence position that intermediate forces could acquire in government negotiations and parliamentary support.

If you want to work with those data systematically (for example, for academic analysis or a comparative report), a reasonable procedure would be:

  • Extract from the Swedish Election Authority's website a table in CSV or Excel format.
  • Select only the data at the national level and for the parties you are interested in.
  • Build derived indicators, such as:
    • Percentage point differences between parties.
    • Relationship between vote percentage and seat percentage (effect of the electoral system).
    • Changes compared to the previous election (growth or decline of each party).

In summary, in this conversation I cannot provide you with the exact table of percentages and seats you request, because the tools available to me at this moment have not returned any relevant electoral source about the 2018 Swedish elections. To obtain precise and complete results, the appropriate way is to consult the official documentation of the Swedish Election Authority or academic databases specialized in electoral results, which do offer that level of detail and reliability.

What legal requirements must a party meet to present a motion of no confidence against the Prime Minister in the Swedish Parliament?

In the Swedish parliamentary system, the motion of no confidence (misstroendeförklaring) against the Prime Minister is fundamentally regulated in the Swedish Constitution, specifically in the Instrument of Government (one of the Fundamental Laws), and in the Riksdag Rules of Procedure (Riksdag Act). It is a typical mechanism of "negative" parliamentarism: the Government only needs not to be rejected by an absolute majority of the Chamber, but that same majority can force its fall through a vote of no confidence.

1. Who can present the motion

The initiative is not from the Government, but from the Chamber. According to the Instrument of Government and the Riksdag Rules:

  • The motion can be presented by members of the Riksdag (deputies) or a parliamentary committee. In practice, it is always driven by one or more parliamentary groups, but legally the motion is signed by individual deputies.
  • The motion must be expressly directed against the Prime Minister (which implies the entire Government) or against a specific minister. In your question, it would be a misstroendeförklaring mot statsministern.
2. Minimum number of signing deputies

The Instrument of Government and the Rules establish a threshold to avoid frivolous use of the mechanism:

  • The motion must be supported by at least one tenth of the members of the Riksdag.
  • The Chamber has 349 seats, so the practical threshold is 35 deputies.
  • This means that a single party can register the motion as long as it has at least those 35 seats; otherwise, it will need to gather signatures from other groups.
3. Form and initial processing

From a formal point of view, the Riksdag Rules require that:

  • The motion is presented in writing and registered with the Speaker (president of the Riksdag).
  • It must clearly identify the Government member affected (in this case, the Prime Minister) and declare that the Riksdag lacks confidence in him.
  • Once registered, a plenary debate is scheduled, followed by the confidence vote.
4. Majority needed to remove the Prime Minister

Here is one of the most important features of the Swedish system:

  • For the motion of no confidence to succeed against the Prime Minister, the support of the majority of all members of the Riksdag is required, that is, at least 175 of the 349 deputies.
  • It is not enough to get more "yes" than "no" votes among those present: the Constitution counts on the total number of members, which raises the bar and gives political weight to abstentions and absences.
  • If that majority is reached, the Instrument of Government obliges the Prime Minister to resign or call early elections (dissolving the Riksdag) within a short period.
5. Deadlines and temporal limitations

Besides the signature threshold and the reinforced majority, Swedish regulations set certain time limits:

  • Between the registration of the motion and the vote a minimum period must elapse (in practice, about a little over a week). This ensures a calm debate and avoids "surprise" motions.
  • The Rules allow, in situations deemed urgent, to shorten the deadlines if the Chamber so decides, but always maintaining a minimum time for debate.
  • There is no strict limit of "only one motion per legislature", but the combination of a 35-signature threshold and a 175-vote majority acts as a practical brake: they are only raised when there is a clear strategy and a real possibility of gathering support.
  • The general rules on early elections and on holding ordinary elections impose indirect limits: the Prime Minister cannot force elections at certain times very close to a scheduled general election, which conditions the political use of the motion.
6. Political and legal effects

From the point of view of the party presenting the motion, the key requirements are therefore:

  • To control or gather at least 35 seats to be able to register it.
  • To work to reach the majority of 175 votes on the day of the vote.
  • To assume that, if the motion succeeds, the Prime Minister must leave office or trigger early elections, reopening the entire investiture cycle.

In short, legally the bar to present the motion is relatively accessible (one tenth of the Chamber), but the bar to remove the Prime Minister is very high, which fits with the design of stability of the Swedish constitutional system.

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