Who is Julia Ferreras, the deputy of Ceuta Ya! whose car was destroyed during a protest

With the information available to date, there are no detailed public data that allow knowing precisely at what specific stage the police investigation into the attack suffered by the Ceuta Ya! deputy, Julia Ferreras, in the vicinity of the port of Ceuta is. What can be affirmed is that the events have been formally reported at the Police Station and, therefore, are judicialized and in the hands of the police and the competent judicial authority.

According to the report from Demócrata, the events occurred on a recent Sunday afternoon at the vehicle access of the port of Ceuta, during a neighborhood protest called against the arrival in the city of the Pamplona association Negu Gorriak/Derecho a Techo. About fifty people were waiting for the van of this group when some of the attendees blocked the passage of a car and some protesters began to throw eggs at the vehicle and shake it.

It is in this context that it was identified that the driver of the car was Julia Ferreras, deputy of the Assembly of Ceuta for Ceuta Ya!. The leader of the party, Mohamed Mustafa, confirmed on social media that Ferreras had appeared at the National Police Station to file a complaint about the events. The news itself highlights that the incident significantly raised tensions, leading to scuffles between protesters and police officers and the intervention of riot units, which even fired shots into the air to try to control the situation.

From there, the reviewed journalistic information does not provide, for now, additional data on:

• Whether arrests directly linked to the attack on Ferreras's vehicle have been made.
• The number of formal identifications carried out among the participants in the protest.
• The opening of specific proceedings by the on-duty court or another judicial body.
• Possible charges or criminal accusations already filed against specific individuals.

There are, however, in other political and media texts related to the crisis in Ceuta, generic references that the various episodes of violence and assaults “are in the hands of the police” or that “it will be the judges who determine responsibilities,” but without going into the detail of the specific case of Ferreras or the exact stage of her file. That is, the case is inserted in a general climate of tension and multiple open investigations in the autonomous city, but without specific public traceability beyond the complaint.

From a procedural point of view, the usual practice after a complaint like the one filed by Julia Ferreras is that the National Police opens investigation proceedings to:

• Collect the statement of the victim and possible eyewitnesses.
• Analyze security camera footage or recordings made by attendees and media around the port.
• Identify the alleged material perpetrators of the attack on the vehicle (throwing objects, shaking, threats, etc.).
• Determine if the facts fit crimes of damage, coercion, attack against authority, or hate crime, depending on the motivation and proven conduct.
• Submit all this to the judicial authority, which will decide on possible precautionary measures and the final legal classification.

However, none of these steps have been publicly detailed, beyond the confirmation that the complaint has already been filed. In the absence of an official report from the Ministry of the Interior, the Government Delegation in Ceuta, or the National Police itself reporting arrests, charges, or case closure, it is not possible to rigorously state whether the investigation is in an initial phase of police proceedings, already judicialized with formal suspects, or in another procedural state.

In summary, to date the accessible information indicates that:

• The attack consisted of harassing the vehicle in which Julia Ferreras was traveling, throwing objects and shaking it, within the framework of a protest at the port.
• The deputy has reported the events at the Police Station, which triggers the criminal route.
• The investigation is formally open, but its specific progress has not yet been made public.

Any relevant update on arrests, classification of the facts, or subsequent judicial decisions should be known through official notes from the Interior Ministry or the Government Delegation, judicial rulings leaked to the media, or statements from Ferreras herself and her political party.

In the Autonomous City of Ceuta, the powers and functions of the deputies of the Assembly are fundamentally defined in the Organic Law 1/1995, Statute of Autonomy of Ceuta and, with more procedural detail, in the Regulations of the Assembly of Ceuta. Based on these norms, their representative, legislative, control over the Government Council, and other key institutional functions can be clearly distinguished.

1. Political representation and status as deputy

The Assembly of Ceuta is the representative body of the City and is composed of 25 members elected by universal, free, equal, direct, and secret suffrage, according to the general electoral legislation applicable to local elections. The members of the Assembly also hold the status of councilors, linking their status with the common local regime.

From a legal point of view, being a deputy of the Assembly implies:

• Representing the citizens of Ceuta in the body that expresses the political will of the City.
• Participating with voice and vote in plenary sessions and in the committees that are constituted.
• Performing their functions subject to the Constitution, the Statute of Autonomy, the Assembly Regulations, and the rest of the legal system.
• Respecting the duties of attendance, institutional loyalty, and respect for the order of sessions, as well as the parliamentary discipline rules provided by the Regulations.

2. Legislative and normative functions

The Statute assigns the Assembly the function of exercising the normative power of the City under the terms established by the Statute itself. From the perspective of each deputy, this translates into several specific functions:

• Debating and voting on the norms approved by the Assembly (regulations and other general provisions within Ceuta's competence).
• Presenting and defending amendments to the normative texts under processing, both in Plenary and in committee.
• Participating in the approval of the Assembly's own Regulations and the basic rules of organization and operation of the City's services.
• Intervening in the approval of promotion, planning, and action plans of general interest for the City, which have a clear normative and programmatic component.
• Exercising the legislative initiative before the General Courts, as the Assembly can request the State Government to adopt draft laws or submit bills to the Congress, delegating some of its members for their defense.

3. Control and political impetus functions

The Assembly is assigned the competence to promote and control the action of the Government Council. The Statute and the Regulations articulate this function through typical parliamentary instruments:

• Oral and written questions to the President of the City or the councilors, to gather information and demand explanations.
• Interpellations and motions, which allow opening debates on the orientation of the Government Council's policy and proposing resolutions.
• Appearances of the President or councilors before the Plenary or committees to report on specific matters.
• Study or investigation committees, when the Regulations provide for them, to analyze issues of special relevance.

Additionally, the Statute recognizes mechanisms of enhanced political responsibility:

• The motion of confidence by the President of the City before the Assembly, which requires the support of a simple majority.
• The motion of censure against the President of the Government Council, which must be constructive (include an alternative candidate) and be approved by an absolute majority. If approved, the proposed candidate is understood to be invested and is appointed President.

4. Other key institutional functions

Several functions of the deputies derive directly from the Assembly's position as the core of Ceuta's self-government:

• Election of the President of the City: the Assembly elects, among its members and among those heading electoral lists with representation, the President of the City, by absolute majority or, subsidiarily, by designation of the head of the most voted list.
• Approval of the Budget and the City's accounts, without prejudice to the control of the Court of Auditors. Each deputy participates in the examination, amendment, and voting of the annual budgets.
• Approval of agreements and cooperation accords with autonomous communities and with the city of Melilla, under the terms provided by the Statute.
• Determination and ordering of Ceuta's own tax resources, within the framework set by the Statute and state legislation.
• Exercise of the powers that the Law of Local Regime Bases recognizes to the plenaries of town councils, which the Assembly assumes due to its dual status as autonomous parliament and municipal plenary.

Overall, the current legislation configures the deputy of the Assembly of Ceuta as a political representative with full functions of deliberation, decision, and control over the main policies of the City, integrated into a parliamentary system in which the stability and responsibility of the Government Council ultimately depend on the majority of the Assembly.

With the searches carried out in the press and documentation databases accessible in this conversation, the official numerical results (percentage of vote and number of councilors/seats) of Ceuta Ya! in the 2023 municipal/autonomous elections of Ceuta do not appear, nor a complete comparable table with PP, PSOE, Vox, MDyC, and other candidacies. Therefore, I cannot provide you with concrete and verified figures without resorting to conjecture, and that would be unreliable.

Still, I can precisely explain what information exists and how to compare it, so you can obtain the exact data from official sources and perform the analysis you seek.

1. Where the official data of Ceuta Ya! in 2023 are

In Ceuta, the elections of May 28, 2023, are, legally, elections to the Assembly of the Autonomous City, which functions both as an autonomous parliament and as a municipal corporation (the President of the City is elected in that Assembly). For this reason, in practice:

• The process is often called “municipal elections” in the press because the result determines local representation at the same time.
• But the scrutiny is published as elections to the Assembly of Ceuta.

To know the results of Ceuta Ya! and compare them with other parties in the city, the key sources are:

• The electoral results section of the Ministry of the Interior (Elections 2023), where you can select Ceuta and see:
  • Total votes per candidacy.
  • Percentage of valid votes over the total.
  • Number of Assembly seats allocated to each list.
• The institutional portal of the Autonomous City of Ceuta, which usually reproduces or links the definitive scrutiny data and sometimes political local analysis notes.
• The organization Ceuta Ya! itself (website and social media), which usually publishes its results and contextualizes them regarding previous elections.

2. How to make the comparison with PP, PSOE, Vox, MDyC, and others

Once you locate the official 2023 data, you can build the comparison of Ceuta Ya! with the rest of the city parties as follows:

• Percentage of vote: order the candidacies from highest to lowest percentage. This will allow you to see:
  • In which position Ceuta Ya! ranked (for example, 3rd, 4th force...).
  • The percentage distance compared to PP (usually the most voted party in Ceuta), PSOE, Vox, and MDyC.
• Number of seats in the Assembly:
  • Check if Ceuta Ya! obtained representation and how many seats.
  • Contrast its numerical weight with that of MDyC (another local force), and with the state formations (PP, PSOE, Vox).
  • Assess if it is a decisive force for majorities (for example, if its support is relevant for investiture or to approve key agreements).
• Evolution compared to previous elections:
  • If you have data from previous elections (or from the force from which Ceuta Ya! is a successor), compare the variation in votes and percentage.
  • This will tell you if 2023 meant growth, stagnation, or relative decline.

3. What political reading you can extract

With that results table in hand, the analysis of Ceuta Ya! compared to other parties in Ceuta could be articulated along several axes:

• Relative weight in the “localist” bloc: comparing its performance with that of MDyC and other local brands indicates to what extent Ceuta Ya! has managed to become a reference for specific Ceutan agendas (border, coexistence, housing, etc.).
• Capacity to influence majorities: if the seat distribution leaves the Assembly very fragmented, a small group like Ceuta Ya! can be relevant to tilt key votes, even with few representatives.
• Competition with state parties: observing from which parties its support comes (according to post-electoral analyses and local press) is important to understand if it competes more with PSOE, with Podemos/left-wing space, with MDyC, or other forces.

4. Limitations of this answer

The queries made have not returned any table or news with the disaggregated data of Ceuta Ya! in 2023; useful information appears on the official websites mentioned, which are not part of the set of documents retrieved in this session. To avoid misleading you, I refrain from offering approximate figures drawn from memory or without documentary support in the consulted results.

If you want, in a next step I can help you design exactly the comparison table (columns, indicators, and format) that you should build once you download the official data from the Ministry of the Interior or the Autonomous City.