PP list searcher for 29N: check who the candidates are province by province

Party electoral lists are not approved through a parliamentary procedure. The question requires distinguishing the internal selection of candidates from the presentation and proclamation of candidacies before the electoral Administration. The Congress and the Senate do not vote on or ratify the lists with which parties run in the elections.

1. Preparation and approval within the party

The first step belongs to the internal organization of each party. The party decides who its candidates will be and, when applicable, in what order they will appear. To do this, it applies its statutes and internal selection rules.

There is no single identical procedure for all parties. There may be primaries, proposals from territorial organizations, intervention of electoral committees, or approval by governing bodies. Several mechanisms can also be combined. Therefore, a publicly announced list should not automatically be confused with a candidacy presented and proclaimed.

If several parties run jointly, the negotiation over positions and candidates is part of that political preparation. Even in that case, there is no subsequent parliamentary approval.

2. Presentation of the candidacy

Once the internal selection has been made, the candidacy must be presented before the competent electoral board, within the schedule and with the documentation required for the corresponding election. This is an electoral procedure, not an initiative to be debated in a parliamentary committee or plenary session.

The presentation allows verifying that the candidacy meets the necessary conditions to participate. Relevant issues include the identification and acceptance of candidates, personal requirements to be elected, the composition of the candidacy, and the documentation required.

It is important to specify which elections are being discussed: general, regional, municipal, or European. The specific procedure and competent authority should not be assumed to be identical in all cases.

3. Verification, publication, and correction

The electoral Administration examines the submitted candidacies. Its role is not to assess whether the candidates are politically suitable nor to replace the party's decision, but to verify compliance with electoral rules.

This procedure includes the publicity of candidacies and communication of irregularities. When a defect can be corrected, the party has the opportunity to remedy it according to applicable rules.

It is important to distinguish a documentary correction from a modification of candidates: not every substitution or alteration of a list can be treated as a simple administrative adjustment. Changes must comply with the corresponding electoral regime.

4. Proclamation and possible appeals

The milestone closest to what you call "definitive approval" is the proclamation of candidacies. It is agreed upon by the competent electoral board regarding candidacies that meet the requirements, not by a parliamentary chamber.

The proclamation should not be understood as a decision immune to review either. Decisions on admission or exclusion may be subject to the electoral appeals provided. Therefore, to know if a specific candidacy is definitively admitted, one must also consider whether there are challenges and how they have been resolved.

What role does Parliament then have?

Parliament acts as legislator: it establishes or modifies electoral rules within its competencies. But approving the rules does not equate to approving each list. Selection corresponds to the parties; verification and proclamation, to the electoral Administration; and dispute resolution, to the competent judicial bodies.

In summary: the process is internal selection, presentation, verification, correction when applicable, proclamation, and possible appeals. To specify deadlines and requirements, it is necessary first to identify the type of election.

Alberto Núñez Feijóo does not have executive government powers: his attributions must be distinguished between the presidency of the Popular Party and his parliamentary role. The designation as leader of the opposition does not grant him, by itself, administrative powers nor an autonomous constitutional status. Furthermore, as of October 27, 2026, the dissolution of the Cortes requires differentiating the ordinary powers of a deputy from those he retains as a member of the Permanent Deputation.

1. Parliamentary role during dissolution

The official information from the Congress identifies Feijóo as a full member of the Permanent Deputation since November 21, 2023. Article 22.3 of the Congress Rules establishes that dissolution terminates the mandate, "without prejudice to the extension in their functions of the members, full and substitute, of the Permanent Deputation, until the constitution of the new Chamber."

Therefore, his current parliamentary continuity is linked to that body, not to the ordinary functioning of the Congress. According to articles 56 to 59, he can participate in its debates and votes on the competencies that correspond to it:

• Safeguard the powers of the Chamber when it is not in session.
• Decide collegially on the validation or repeal of decree-laws: maintain them in force or reject them.
• Exercise parliamentary powers related to states of alarm, exception, and siege.

These powers belong to the Permanent Deputation as a whole. Feijóo cannot exercise them unilaterally nor convene it by his sole will: the convocation corresponds to the Presidency, on its own initiative or at the request of two groups or one-fifth of its members.

2. Ordinary powers of a deputy

When the Congress functions ordinarily, the Rules recognize the following powers for its members, which are not specific privileges of the leader of the opposition:

• Debate and vote in the Plenary and in the committees of which they are members; attend other committees without a vote (article 6).
• Request information from public administrations, through the Presidency and with knowledge of their group (article 7).
• Control the Government through questions and interpellations, the latter about the reasons or purposes of its political actions (articles 180 to 190).
• Participate in legislation: submit amendments to the articles and promote a bill with the signature of fourteen other deputies (articles 110 and 126).
• Sign a motion of censure together with at least one-tenth of the Chamber, including an alternative candidacy; its approval requires an absolute majority (articles 175 and 177).

The party presidency does not replace the parliamentary spokesperson role. Powers reserved for groups — for example, submitting non-legislative motions — must be exercised through the procedures and representatives provided for in the rules.

3. Presidency of the PP and leadership of the opposition

Feijóo appears as president in the official PP structure. That responsibility belongs to the party's internal organization and must be distinguished from a public office: the political leadership of the PP does not allow issuing binding orders to ministries, autonomous communities, or municipalities.

The current statutes of the PP enumerating his presidential powers have not been located in the consulted sources. Therefore, it is not appropriate here to attribute specific powers of appointment, dismissal, or internal approval as if they were verified.

4. Limits, duties, and guarantees

The Rules require attendance, respect for parliamentary discipline, secrecy when appropriate, asset declaration, and compliance with incompatibilities (articles 15 to 19). They also recognize inviolability for opinions expressed in the exercise of functions and immunity during the mandate (articles 10 and 11). These are parliamentary guarantees, not governing powers nor a general exemption from responsibility.

The last general elections held in Spain were on July 23, 2023. In the elections to the Congress, the Popular Party obtained 8,160,837 votes, 33.06%, and 137 seats. However, the provincial breakdown found contains inconsistencies and does not allow providing a complete and reliable list of votes, percentages, and deputies in each province.

Results I can confirm

The national result for the PP appears in the electoral information from El País. The official reference to verify the distribution by constituencies is the publication of results in the BOE. It is important to distinguish these results from any information about candidacies or forecasts for the next elections: your question refers to a vote already held, not an electoral estimate.

• Call: general elections of July 23, 2023.
• Chamber: Congress of Deputies; the above figures do not correspond to the Senate.
• Popular Party votes: 8,160,837 nationwide.
• National percentage: 33.06%.
• Representation obtained: 137 deputies.

Why I do not reproduce the located breakdown

The consulted provincial list omits A Coruña, so it is already incomplete to answer "each province." Additionally, it assigns exactly 23,699 votes to the PP in Álava, Girona, and Lleida, and presents other provincial data that need to be cross-checked with the official publication before use. That coincidence does not prove, by itself, that the figures are incorrect, but neither does it allow them to be considered verified.

The problem is not solved by including only percentages or only seats. Those data are part of the same breakdown and require independent verification. It would also be incorrect to complete the missing provinces by memories, approximations, or figures from another call. Therefore, I do not present that list as if it were a confirmed official result.

How the provincial comparison should be read

For the answer you request to be useful, each province must appear accompanied by three data: votes obtained, vote percentage, and seats. These are not interchangeable measures: votes express support in absolute terms; the percentage allows comparing electoral weight within each territory; and seats indicate the representation achieved.

A complete list must also clearly identify Ceuta and Melilla, separating them from the provinces. Likewise, it must maintain a uniform criterion for percentages and specify whether it uses final results or information from the election night count. Mixing both types of figures can produce differences that later seem like contradictions between provinces or with the national total.

The final verification must ensure that no constituency is missing, that territorial names are identified without duplicates, and that the sum of deputies matches the national result. It must also keep the same call and the same chamber in all rows, avoiding mistakenly including Senate results.

In conclusion: I can give you the above national result and the official reference where the detail is published, but not a verified provincial breakdown with the consulted information. Presenting you now a complete list of figures would mean providing data that contain errors or have not been sufficiently cross-checked.