Why is Feijóo calling for Sánchez’s resignation if the elections are in a month?

The leader of the PP demands the resignation of the president and Óscar Puente over the Urda accident, although he acknowledges that political responsibilities will also be decided at the ballot box on 29N. The demand makes it possible to extend the debate from Transport to Moncloa, but it opens another question for the opposition: why call for an immediate resignation when there is already an election being called.

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Elecciones 29N · Encuestas

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Media a 27 de octubre de 2026 · 15 institutos

  • PP31,0 %
  • PSOE27,3 %
  • Vox18,9 %
  • Frente Amplio6,3 %
  • Podemos2,9 %
  • ERC2,3 %
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Media del último estudio de cada instituto en 30 días y su evolución semanal desde el 23J. Partidos con al menos un 2 %.

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Elecciones generales del 29 de noviembre · Demócrata

Alberto Núñez Feijóo wants Pedro Sánchez to leave the Presidency of the Government before the general elections of November 29. He made this demand this Friday, barely 48 hours after the Urda (Toledo) railway accident, in which at least 69 people have died, and when exactly one month remains for Spaniards to return to the polls. The demand also extends to the Minister of Transport, Óscar Puente, but the PP leader has made it clear that he does not consider a change in the Ministry sufficient to consider the Government's political responsibilities resolved.

"Whoever has failed in their duty to manage the Ministry safely has to resign, and also whoever put him there," Feijóo declared after meeting with railway experts at the national headquarters of the PP. He then introduced a reference that explains much of his position: "If they do not resign, we will dismiss them at the polls".

If citizens are called to decide in 30 days, what is Feijóo seeking by asking Sánchez to leave before then?

Sánchez's resignation would not prevent the holding of the 29N elections

The first issue is institutional. The resignation of a head of government does not amount to the suspension of general elections that have already been called.

Article 101 of the Constitution establishes that the Government ceases, among other cases, due to the resignation of its president, and that the outgoing Executive remains in office until the new Government takes office.

Therefore, if Sánchez were to submit his resignation before November 29, the Government would become acting, but the electoral call would not automatically be annulled. The resignation would not necessarily alter the voting date or prevent the PSOE from standing in the election.

Nor would it allow the PP to access La Moncloa directly. Feijóo would have to wait for the electoral result and the corresponding investiture procedure to aspire to preside over the Government.

The demand for resignation thus has a fundamentally political scope. It seeks for Sánchez to assume responsibility before submitting to the electoral verdict, although that gesture would not replace the elections or by itself resolve who would govern afterward.

Feijóo does not want responsibility to end with Óscar Puente

The most significant change in the PP's discourse has occurred between Thursday and Friday.

During his visit to Urda, Feijóo called for political responsibility and questioned Puente's continuity, although he avoided expressly demanding his resignation. One day later he has broadened the request to the president of the Government and has rejected the idea that the crisis could be resolved with the departure of a single minister.

According to the Popular leader, Puente acts as a "fuse" that Sánchez keeps to prevent the political consequences of the accident from reaching the Presidency. That is the PP's interpretation of Moncloa's action, not an accredited government strategy.

The accusation comes, moreover, after Puente has put his post at Sánchez's disposal. According to the version conveyed this Friday by the minister's entourage, the president rejected his departure because he considered it "unfair".

That account offers Feijóo an additional argument. If Sánchez has personally intervened for Puente to continue, the PP can present the minister's remaining in office as a decision of the president and not solely as a matter of departmental responsibility.

The opposition thus tries to prevent a possible resignation of Puente from closing the political debate on Urda. Even if the minister were to leave Transport, Feijóo has already pointed to the one who appointed him and decided to keep him in office.

Calling for his resignation now also allows the debate to be taken to the polls

The closeness of the elections introduces a difference with respect to other Government crises. Feijóo does not need to call for an early election to demand a political change, because the elections are already set for 29 November.

His statement this Friday allows the resignation to be interpreted as a first demand and the polls as the way to resolve it if Sánchez does not comply. The PP does not have to choose between both positions: it can call for immediate accountability and, at the same time, ask voters to judge the performance of the Executive.

The accident thus enters the campaign not only as a railway management crisis, but also as a discussion about the political responsibility of the president.

The operation has, however, its limits. The technical investigation into the accident remains open and the circumstances that allowed an AVE to reach an Iryo stopped on the high-speed line still must be clarified. Feijóo attributes to the Government a deterioration in railway safety and the lack of renewal of systems that he considers obsolete, but those accusations do not amount to definitive conclusions by the investigators.

The Executive, for its part, maintains that it is necessary to clarify the causes before establishing specific responsibilities. Sánchez acknowledged this Friday that there is a "broken trust" in high speed and has promised solutions, while Moncloa maintains its support for Puente.

The disagreement is political, but it also affects the moment at which responsibilities must be demanded. Feijóo considers that they can be claimed before the investigation is concluded; the Government defends the continuity of its minister while the facts are being clarified.

The PP tries to turn the railway crisis into a debate about Sánchez's management

Feijóo has not limited himself to calling for resignations. After meeting with a group of railway infrastructure experts, he has announced some of the measures he would promote if he were to reach the Government.

Among them are the strengthening of Renfe and Adif's safety structures, prioritizing conservation work over new works, and a review of the problems detected in the network. The Popular leader has admitted that certain actions could temporarily affect railway service.

This announcement adds an electoral dimension to his intervention. The PP intends to accompany its demand for responsibilities with an alternative management proposal, although it will still have to specify the scope, funding, and deadlines of the announced measures.

It also broadens the field of confrontation. The debate is no longer limited to whether Puente should resign because of the accident and reaches the investment, maintenance, organization, and supervision decisions adopted during the years of Sánchez's Government.

The comparison with Adamuz, where 46 people died in January, reinforces the PP's political argument about the continuity of those responsible for the railway system. Both accidents add up to at least 115 deaths in 2026, although the temporal coincidence does not show that they share technical causes nor does it allow automatic attribution of the same political or administrative responsibility.

The risk of demanding resignations before all the causes are known

Feijóo's strategy also presents difficulties. Asking for the president's departure over an accident whose investigation remains open can cause the debate to shift from the railway deficiencies toward the political opportunity of formulating that demand in the middle of the pre-campaign.

The PP maintains that political responsibility does not need to wait for a sentence or a definitive technical report. That distinction has precedents in Spanish parliamentary practice, where resignations can occur over management decisions without there being criminal responsibility.

But calling for political responsibilities does not exempt one from justifying which concrete decisions are attributed to each responsible party. One thing is to question the supervision of the railway system and another to take for proven a causal relationship between the action of a minister or a president and the accident.

Feijóo will have to sustain that difference during the campaign, especially if the investigations incorporate new data that modify the initial reconstruction of the facts.

The opposition itself also cannot completely control the effect of its offensive. The resignation demands can increase pressure on the Executive, but also open a discussion about the electoral use of a recent tragedy. There are not sufficient elements to anticipate how voters will respond to that confrontation.

More key points, information and questions with FREN

AI-GENERATED CONTENT

What is the parliamentary procedure for the resignation of the Prime Minister in Spain and what steps must be followed for the transfer of functions?

The resignation of the Prime Minister does not require a vote nor the acceptance of the Congress: it is submitted to the King and causes the dismissal of the entire Government. The decisive parliamentary intervention comes afterwards, through the investiture of a new prime minister. Meanwhile, the Executive continues in office to ensure institutional continuity.

1. Submission of resignation and dismissal

Presidential resignation is an autonomous cause of dismissal, distinct from a motion of no confidence and the loss of a vote of confidence. Article 101.1 of the Constitution establishes that the Government ceases, among other cases, "due to resignation or death of its President".

The prime minister communicates his resignation to the King, not to the Congress Board for authorization. The Congress Rules do not establish a mandatory debate, a vote of acceptance, nor a specific parliamentary procedure to submit that resignation. Nor does the resignation automatically dissolve the Cortes or by itself require elections to be held.

2. Continuity of the Government in office

Article 101.2 of the Constitution provides that "the outgoing Government shall continue in office until the new Government takes office." Therefore, the resignation does not create a power vacuum nor does it imply that presidential functions automatically pass to a vice president as the newly invested president.

Article 21 of Law 50/1997, on the Government, regulates this stage: the Executive's actions are limited to the ordinary handling of public affairs, with the legal exceptions corresponding to urgent situations or reasons of general interest. It therefore does not retain the same scope of political action as a Government with full powers.

The Congress maintains its control function over the activity the Executive may carry out. This was confirmed by STC 124/2018: being in office does not exclude parliamentary control.

3. Consultations and investiture of the successor

The replacement is channeled through Article 99 of the Constitution and Articles 170 to 172 of the Congress Rules:

  • Consultations and proposal: the King consults the representatives designated by the political groups with parliamentary representation and, through the Presidency of the Congress, proposes a candidate.
  • Convocation and debate: upon receiving the proposal, the Presidency of the Congress convenes the Plenary. The candidate presents their program, requests the confidence of the Chamber, and debates with the groups.
  • First vote: requires an absolute majority of the members of Congress. The vote is public by roll call.
  • Second vote: if that majority is not obtained, another vote is held forty-eight hours later; a simple majority suffices, that is, more favorable than opposing votes.
  • New candidacies: if this also fails, successive proposals may be processed. If two months pass from the first investiture vote without anyone obtaining confidence, the dissolution of both Chambers and the calling of elections is appropriate.

The two-month period begins with the first investiture vote, not with the submission of the resignation.

4. Appointment and transfer of functions

Once confidence is granted, the Presidency of the Congress communicates the result to the King for the appointment of the new prime minister. According to Article 100 of the Constitution, the other members of the Government are appointed by the King at the proposal of the prime minister.

The legal handover is completed through appointments and taking office. The continuity of the outgoing Government ends with the taking of office of the new Government, not simply upon conclusion of the parliamentary vote.

The delivery of documentation, pending matters, and administrative information is part of the transition between teams. There is no parliamentary vote for the transfer nor an autonomous protocol for material delivery in the Rules: the investiture, which corresponds to Congress, and the administrative transfer of responsibilities must be distinguished.

What powers and functions does the Minister of Transport have according to Spanish legislation?

The Minister of Transport and Sustainable Mobility has a dual role: participates in the direction of the Government and leads their department. Their general powers are set out in the Government Law; the specific matters of the ministry are detailed in its structural regulations. It is important to distinguish both: that a competence belongs to the ministry does not mean the minister must personally exercise it.

1. General functions as minister

Article 4.1 of the Law 50/1997, on the Government establishes that ministers have "competence and responsibility in the specific sphere of their action." In particular, they are responsible for:

  • Developing the Government's action in their department, in accordance with the agreements of the Council of Ministers and the guidelines of the president.
  • Exercising regulatory power in matters pertaining to the department: issuing provisions within the powers recognized by the legal system.
  • Exercising other powers attributed by laws and organizational and operational provisions.
  • Endorsing, when appropriate, the acts of the King related to their competence.

This responsibility is exercised under the direction and coordination of the Prime Minister, without eliminating the minister's direct responsibility for their management, according to Article 2.1.

2. Specific matters of Transport

Article 1.1 of Royal Decree 253/2024, of March 12, assigns to the ministry the proposal and execution of government policy in the following areas:

  • Land, air, and maritime transport infrastructures of state competence, along with the planning and programming of the corresponding investments.
  • Transport services: control, organization, and administrative regulation of services corresponding to those areas.
  • Sustainable mobility: promotion of its social, economic, and environmental dimensions, including active mobility.
  • Postal services: normative regulation.
  • Geographic information and Earth sciences: promotion and direction of state services of astronomy, geodesy, geophysics, and cartography.

The expressly stated purpose is to guarantee safe and sustainable mobility, based on social justice criteria. Paragraph 5 requires exercising these powers in coordination and respecting those corresponding to other ministries.

3. Department leadership and administrative execution

According to Article 1.2 of the same royal decree, the State Secretariat for Transport and Sustainable Mobility and the Undersecretariat report directly to the minister. The minister also has an immediate support cabinet and an international relations unit, which coordinates the department's representation, especially before the European Union, in collaboration with Foreign Affairs.

Execution is distributed among different bodies. Article 2 places the State Secretariat under the minister's direction and assigns it functions of planning, programming, transport regulation, and promotion of intermodality. It also allows it to enter into certain contracts and agreements and grant aid within limits established by the department head. Therefore, not every authorization, contract, or technical decision requires a personal resolution by the minister.

4. Collegiate decisions and controls

As a member of the Government, the minister participates in the Council of Ministers. However, Article 5 of the Government Law reserves to that collegiate body the approval of bills, royal decree-laws, and certain regulations: the minister cannot approve them alone.

Finally, Article 29 subjects government action to the legal system, political control by the Cortes, and the corresponding judicial control. In summary, the minister directs state transport policy but acts within distributed powers and legal controls.

What results did the Popular Party obtain in the last general elections held in Spain?

The Popular Party won the last general elections held in Spain, on July 23, 2023, with 8,160,837 votes, 33.06% of valid votes, and 137 deputies. It was the leading force both in votes and seats, although it did not reach an absolute majority nor subsequently obtain the necessary support to form a Government. The definitive results are published in the Official State Gazette (BOE) of electoral results.

Main figures of the PP

The result in the Congress of Deputies can be summarized in these data, which correspond to the definitive count, not a poll or electoral estimate:

  • Votes: 8,160,837 ballots.
  • Percentage: 33.06% of valid votes, approximately one in three.
  • Representation: 137 of the 350 seats in Congress.
  • Position: first party in votes and deputies.
  • Distance to absolute majority: 39 seats, since this is set at 176.

The 137 deputies represented 39.14% of the seats in the Chamber. It is important to distinguish that percentage from the 33.06% electoral: one expresses the proportion of representatives and the other the proportion of votes. These are two different ways of measuring the result and should not be confused when comparing figures. All these calculations are based on the definitive published result.

The advantage over the PSOE

The PSOE came second, with 7,821,718 votes, 31.68%, and 121 deputies. Therefore, the PP's advantage was 339,119 votes, 1.38 percentage points, and 16 seats. The comparison allows specifying the extent of their victory: they led the national result but without having alone a sufficient majority in Congress (BOE, definitive results).

After both parties, Vox obtained 33 deputies and Sumar, 31. These results complete the comparison among the four candidacies with the greatest representation, although Congress also included other formations. Demócrata records this definitive distribution of 137, 121, 33, and 31 seats, respectively, when reviewing what happened in those elections (comparison of 23-J results).

Why winning did not translate into governing

The main political consequence was that winning the elections was not enough to form a Government. The 137 PP deputies and 33 from Vox totaled 170: six less than the 176 that mark the absolute majority. That sum only describes the arithmetic of their results; it does not equal a majority achieved (Demócrata, review of the 2023 precedent).

Alberto Núñez Feijóo did not manage to gather the necessary support to access the Presidency of the Government. Therefore, the most accurate description is that the PP obtained an electoral victory without a parliamentary majority sufficient to govern, as Demócrata's review of those elections recalls (result and government formation).

Which figure should be taken as reference

To respond briefly and accurately, the reference is: July 23, 2023; 8,160,837 votes; 33.06%; 137 deputies; first position. If you find the percentage rounded to 33.1%, it expresses the same result with one decimal. These figures correspond to the Congress and to elections already held, not to projections of future elections (official publication of results).

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Why has Feijóo called for Pedro Sánchez's resignation before the elections?

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According to article 101 of the Spanish Constitution, what happens if the Prime Minister resigns?

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