Survey General Elections after Urda: the PSOE loses 7 seats (106), the PP gains 3 (126) and Vox gives up 2 (70), according to IMOP

IMOP’s latest poll for El Confidencial reflects a socialist rollback following the accident in Urda and the resignation of Óscar Puente. PP and Vox maintain an absolute majority with 196 deputies

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Elecciones 29N · Encuestas

La media de las encuestas

Media a 7 de noviembre de 2026 · 11 institutos

  • PP31,0 %
  • PSOE26,2 %
  • Vox19,5 %
  • Frente Amplio6,6 %
  • ERC2,4 %
  • SALF2,2 %
  • Podemos2,1 %
01020304050ene 2024jul 2024ene 2025jul 2025ene 2026jul 2026

Media del último estudio de cada instituto en 30 días y su evolución semanal desde el 23J. Partidos con al menos un 2 %.

Todas las encuestas

Elecciones generales del 29 de noviembre · Demócrata

The third wave of IMOP Insights for El Confidencial, published this Sunday 8 November confirms a change in trend with respect to its previous poll ahead of the general elections on 29-N. The PSOE loses seven seats and falls to 106 deputies, while the PP recovers three and reaches 126. Vox, for its part, retreats by two representatives and stands at 70.

The survey was conducted between 2 and 6 November, after the train accident in Urda and during the political crisis that led to the resignation of Óscar Puente. It is therefore one of the first complete measurements that make it possible to observe electoral developments in the days after the incident.

The PP would be able to win the elections again with 29.8% of the votes, compared with 25.9% for the PSOE and 19.9% for Vox. Alberto Núñez Feijóo’s lead over Pedro Sánchez increases to 3.9 points, compared with the 1.4 points recorded in the previous IMOP poll.

The combined total of PP and Vox would reach 196 seats, twenty above the absolute majority. Frente Amplio would obtain 13 representatives, Podemos one, and Adelante Andalucía four.

IMOP poll: this is how the Congress would be
El Confidencial · 8 November 2026 · 350 seats
Candidacy % vote Seats
PP 29.8% 126
PSOE 25.9% 106
Vox 19.9% 70
Frente Amplio 8.1% 13
ERC — 11
EH Bildu — 7
Junts — 4
PNV — 4
Adelante Andalucía 1.8% 4
BNG — 3
Podemos 1.2% 1
Coalición Canaria — 1
SALF 1.7% 0
TOTAL — 350
PP + Vox
196
49.7% of the vote
PSOE + FA + Podemos + AA
124
37.0% of the vote

Source: IMOP Insights for El Confidencial. Fieldwork: 2-6 November 2026. Sample: 1,000 interviews. —: percentage not available in the breakdown consulted. UPN appears integrated in the PP candidacy.

What changes compared to the last IMOP poll: the PSOE falls, the PP regains ground, and Vox backs down

The comparison with the second wave of IMOP, published on 23 October, shows a significant shift in just twenty days.

Back then, the PSOE was in a recovery phase and had reached 113 seats and 27.1% of the votes. The PP, on the other hand, had dropped to 123 seats and 28.5%, while Vox stood at 72 representatives and 20%.

Now, the trend is practically reversed.

The PSOE loses 1.2 points of vote share and seven deputies, while the PP gains 1.3 points and three seats. Vox gives up one tenth and two representatives.

This development widens the gap between the two main parties from 10 to 20 seats. It also increases the vote-distance by percentage from 1.4 to 3.9 points.

The result implies a brake on the socialist recovery that the previous wave had registered, although the PP still remains below the 130 seats attributed to it by the first IMOP poll of October.

PP and Vox only gain one seat, but increase their advantage over the left by six

One of the most interesting data points from the poll is found in the evolution of the blocs.

PP and Vox go from 195 to 196 seats. That is, they improve their combined position by just one seat, despite the socialist drop.

However, the total of PSOE, Frente Amplio, Podemos, and Adelante Andalucía falls from 129 to 124 seats, five fewer.

As a result, the difference between the two blocs increases from 66 to 72 seats. This six-seat expansion does not mean that everyone has moved from the left to the right, but rather that it is obtained by comparing the gain of one bloc with the loss of five from the other.

IMOP: which parties gain and lose after Urda
Comparison of October 23 with November 8, 2026

On mobile, swipe horizontally to see the changes.

Party Vote 23-O Vote 8-N Diff. pp Seats 23-O Seats 8-N Seat diff.
PP 28,5% 29,8% +1,3 123 126 +3
PSOE 27,1% 25,9% −1,2 113 106 −7
Vox 20,0% 19,9% −0,1 72 70 −2
Frente Amplio 8,9% 8,1% −0,8 14 13 −1
ERC 2,2% — — 8 11 +3
EH Bildu 1,3% — — 6 7 +1
Junts 1,2% — — 4 4 =
PNV 1,0% — — 5 4 −1
Adelante Andalucía 1,0% 1,8% +0,8 1 4 +3
BNG 1,1% — — 2 3 +1
Podemos 1,9% 1,2% −0,7 1 1 =
Coalición Canaria 0,6% — — 1 1 =
SALF 1,2% 1,7% +0,5 0 0 =
PP + Vox 48,5% 49,7% +1,2 195 196 +1

Source: IMOP Insights / El Confidencial, waves published on October 23 and November 8, 2026. Diff. pp: variation in percentage points; seat diff.: change of seats.

In terms of vote percentage, PP and Vox move from 48,5% to 49,7%, up 1,2 points.

If Se Acabó la Fiesta (SALF) is included, which gets 1,7% but still has no representation, the three formations reach 51,4% of the estimated vote.

On the other hand, PSOE, Frente Amplio, Podemos, and Adelante Andalucía add up to 37%. The distance between the two groups is therefore 14,4 percentage points.

Therefore, the absolute majority of PP and Vox still remains comfortable. But the net parliamentary movement between the two polls is considerably smaller than the deterioration in the left’s relative position.

The PSOE loses seven seats, but ERC and Adelante Andalucía each gain three

The evolution of territorial candidacies introduces another especially relevant element.

While the PSOE loses seven representatives, ERC goes from eight to eleven MPs and Adelante Andalucía increases from one to four.

EH Bildu also improves, from six to seven, and the BNG secures an additional representative, up to three.

The PNV moves back from five to four, while Junts retains its four MPs and Coalición Canaria keeps one.

Taken together, ERC, Adelante Andalucía, EH Bildu and BNG gain eight seats. If the one that the PNV loses is deducted, the balance comes to seven additional MPs, exactly those that the PSOE loses.

However, it does reveal a political phenomenon: the PSOE’s setback is not fully reflected in a loss of representation for the other left-wing and territorial space formations.

If PSOE, Frente Amplio, Podemos, Adelante Andalucía, ERC, EH Bildu, Junts, PNV, BNG and Coalición Canaria are added up, the total goes from 155 to 154 MPs between the two surveys.

It is a hypothetical sum, not an committed political majority. But it allows one to appreciate that the expanded parliamentary space that Sánchez could seek for an investiture varies by scarcely one seat, despite the socialist drop.

The difficulty remains extraordinary: with 154 representatives, it would be 22 seats short of an absolute majority.

Comparison with the 23-J: Vox wins 37 MPs, the PSOE loses 15 and the PP loses 11

The comparison with the general elections of 23 July 2023 leaves a different picture from that of the moves in these last few weeks.

The PP won those elections with 137 MPs and 33.1% of the votes. Now, IMOP attributes 126 seats and 29.8%, which represents a loss of eleven MPs and 3.3 points.

The PSOE would move from the 121 seats and 31.7% achieved in 2023 to 106 representatives and 25.9%. Its setback would be fifteen MPs and 5.8 percentage points.

Vox accounts for the biggest growth among the three major parties. The formation of Santiago Abascal would go from 33 to 70 seats, a gain of 37 MPs, while its vote share would rise from 12.4% to 19.9%.

IMOP versus 23-J: who wins and loses since 2023
2023 election results versus the estimate of November 8, 2026

On mobile, swipe horizontally to see all columns.

Party Vote 23-J IMOP vote Diff. pp 23-J seats IMOP seats Diff. seats
PP 33,1% 29,8% −3,3 137 126 −11
PSOE 31,7% 25,9% −5,8 121 106 −15
Vox 12,4% 19,9% +7,5 33 70 +37
Sumar / Frente Amplio * 12,3% 8,1% −4,2* 31 13 −18*
ERC 1,9% — — 7 11 +4
EH Bildu 1,4% — — 6 7 +1
Junts 1,6% — — 7 4 −3
PNV 1,1% — — 5 4 −1
BNG 0,6% — — 1 3 +2
Adelante Andalucía — 1,8% n/c 0 4 +4
Podemos In Sumar 1,2% n/c In Sumar 1 n/c
Coalición Canaria 0,5% — — 1 1 =
UPN 0,2% Integrated into PP n/c 1 Integrated n/c
PP + Vox 45,5% 49,7% +4,2 170 196 +26
The big change since 2023: Vox would gain 37 seats, while the PSOE would lose 15 and the PP 11. PP and Vox would add up to 196 deputies, versus the 170 they obtained jointly on 23-J, without counting UPN’s seat.

Source: official results of the general elections of July 23, 2023 and IMOP Insights / El Confidencial, November 8, 2026. The 2023 percentages are rounded to one decimal place.

This means that, even though the PP loses eleven seats compared to 2023, Vox’s advance allows the overall right to significantly improve its parliamentary representation.

The 170 deputies that PP and Vox obtained in the last elections would become 196, a gain of 26 seats. If the UPN deputy elected separately in Navarra in 2023 is added, the comparison goes from 171 to 196, with an improvement of 25.

The left’s setback compared to 2023: from Sumar’s 31 deputies to 18 across three candidacies

The other structural change is on the left of the PSOE.

Sumar obtained 31 seats in the general elections of 23-J, in a candidacy that included Podemos.

In the new IMOP survey, Frente Amplio would get 13 deputies, Podemos one, and Adelante Andalucía four. The total would reach 18 representatives, thirteen fewer than those obtained by Sumar in 2023.

In terms of votes, the three candidacies would gather 11,1%, versus the 12,3% achieved then by Sumar.

The comparison is not completely homogeneous because of changes in the coalitions, but it points to a significant loss of parliamentary effectiveness: a relatively small difference in the share of votes can produce a much larger drop in seats.

The Spanish electoral system, with provincial distribution and electoral districts of unequal size, can particularly penalize the fragmentation of candidacies in provinces that allocate fewer representatives.

The consequence is that the PSOE would face a parliamentary situation that is far more complicated than in 2023, even if it managed to recover part of the ground it lost during the campaign.

How much has Urda punished the PSOE in the IMOP poll?

The Urda rail accident occurred on October 28, while the fieldwork for the new IMOP survey was conducted between November 2 and 6.

The investigation therefore includes opinions after the accident and, in part, after the resignation of Óscar Puente, announced on November 3. It also coincides with the information about the UCO investigation into Adif Alta Velocidad.

The drop of seven seats and 1.2 points for the PSOE compared to the previous wave is compatible with political wear and tear during this crisis. But the poll does not allow assigning all of this loss exclusively to the accident or to the minister’s resignation.

The sample consists of 1,000 interviews and the two waves compare different groups of respondents. Individual movements of just over one point should be interpreted taking into account statistical uncertainty.

The result becomes more interesting when observing the joint evolution: the PSOE recovery that IMOP detected on October 23 is interrupted, the PP gains ground again, and Vox maintains a level of support close to 20%.

Three weeks before the general elections, the main change that this poll draws is the increase in the PP’s advantage over the PSOE, while the right-wing bloc maintains an absolute majority of more than 190 seats.

IMOP versus the Demócrata polling average: the PSOE almost matches, but the PP gets seven fewer seats

The latest comparison makes it possible to place the new survey in the context of the overall set of electoral estimates.

The Demócrata polling average of November 7, prior to the publication of this third wave of IMOP, puts the PP at 31.0% of the votes and 133 deputies; the PSOE at 26.2% and 107 seats; and Vox at 19.5% and 68 representatives.

The most significant difference appears in the PP. IMOP attributes seven fewer deputies and 1.2 fewer percentage points than the average.

By contrast, the PSOE is practically aligned with the average: 106 deputies versus 107 and 25.9% versus 26.2%.

Vox obtains two more seats than in the average, while Frente Amplio reaches thirteen representatives, five above the eight of Demócrata’s aggregate.

The combined result leaves PP and Vox with 196 seats, compared with the 201 that the average reports. It is five fewer MPs, although both estimates agree on attributing an absolute majority to the right.

With three weeks to go until 29-N, IMOP points to a recovery for the PP and a deterioration for the PSOE after the Urda crisis, but it keeps both parties in a position lower than the one they obtained in 2023. Vox, meanwhile, remains the main beneficiary of the electoral transformation of the legislature, with more than double the number of MPs it achieved in the last general election.

See here the technical profile and the survey in El Confidencial

More key points, information and questions with FREN

AI-GENERATED CONTENT

What is the scheduled timeline for the upcoming general elections in Spain and what requirements must be met for their call?

The next general elections in Spain will be held on Sunday, November 29, 2026. This is no longer a forecast: they have been called by Royal Decree 806/2026, dated October 5, published on October 6, which dissolved the Congress and Senate elected on July 23, 2023.

Call schedule

As of November 8, the electoral process is underway. Its main milestones are as follows:

  • October 5: issuance of the royal decree, at the proposal of the president of the Government and after deliberation by the Council of Ministers.
  • October 6: publication in the BOE and entry into force of the dissolution and the call. From this date, the electoral period begins.
  • November 13: start of the electoral campaign at 00:00 hours. It will last fifteen days and end at 24:00 hours on Friday the 27th, as confirmed by the Ministry of the Interior.
  • November 28: reflection day, during which campaign events cannot be held nor can votes be solicited.
  • November 29: voting to elect the members of the Congress and the directly elected senators.
  • December 23, at 10:00: constitution of the new Chambers, as stated in the Congress communication.

For those voting by mail from Spain, the application can be submitted until November 19 and the envelope must be deposited at the Post Office until November 25, according to the official information on this vote.

Who can call them and how

In an early call like this, Article 115 of the Spanish Constitution grants the president of the Government the initiative to propose the dissolution, under his exclusive responsibility and after deliberation by the Council of Ministers. The dissolution is formally decreed by the King.

Article 167 of the Organic Law of the General Electoral Regime requires a royal decree endorsed by the president of the Government, that is, his signature as responsible for the act. The dissolution decree must include the call and set the election date: a political announcement alone does not replace these requirements.

According to Article 42.1 of that law, the decree is published the day after its issuance and enters into force that same day. The elections must be held on the 54th day after the call; therefore, the publication on October 6 leads to November 29.

Limits and other cases

  • Motion of no confidence: a dissolution proposal cannot be submitted while one is being processed.
  • One year between dissolutions: another dissolution cannot occur before one year has passed since the previous one, except in the case of failed investiture.
  • Exceptional states: Article 116.5 prevents dissolving the Congress while a state of alarm, exception, or siege is declared.

If the ordinary four-year term expires, the decree is issued twenty-five days before its expiration, published the next day, and the vote takes place on the 54th day after the call.

There is also the possibility of electoral repetition due to failed investiture: if two months pass from the first vote without any candidate obtaining the confidence of the Congress, the King dissolves both Chambers with the endorsement of the Presidency of the Congress. In that case, the calendar is shortened: elections are held on the 47th day after the call. That is not the mechanism used for the upcoming November 29 election.

What are the functions and powers of the president of the Popular Party and the president of the Government according to the Spanish Constitution?

The Spanish Constitution clearly distinguishes between State bodies, which are regulated in its text, and political parties, whose existence and function are recognized but whose internal positions are not detailed. This is key to answering: the president of the Government is directly regulated by the Constitution, while the president of the Popular Party (PP) is an internal party position whose regulation is essentially statutory, not constitutional.

1. President of the Popular Party and the Constitution

The Constitution only refers generally to political parties in Article 6. There it establishes that:

  • Parties express political pluralism.
  • They participate in the formation and expression of popular will.
  • They are a fundamental instrument for political participation.
  • Their creation and activity are free, within respect for the Constitution and the law.
  • Their internal structure and functioning must be democratic.

From there, the Constitution does not regulate specific positions within parties (such as president, general secretary, executive committee, etc.). This means that:

  • The functions and powers of the president of the Popular Party are determined by the party's own Statutes, not by the Constitution.
  • In practice, the president of the PP is the highest political and organizational leader of that party: sets the political line, represents the party, directs its internal bodies and processes, but all under internal rules, not constitutional ones.
  • The Constitution conditions this only indirectly: it requires democratic functioning, respect for fundamental rights, and subjects any party activity to the constitutional and legal framework.

Consequently, from a strictly constitutional point of view, there are no “own powers” of the PP president listed in the Magna Carta: it is a position of a private entity (a political party) with public relevance, but regulated by party law and its statutes.

2. President of the Government according to the Constitution

In contrast, the president of the Government is a central constitutional body, especially regulated in Articles 97, 98, 99, 100 and 112 to 115 of the Constitution.

2.1. General functions (art. 97 CE)

Article 97 sets the basic definition:

  • The Government directs domestic and foreign policy.
  • It directs the civil and military Administration.
  • It directs the defense of the State.
  • It exercises the executive function and regulatory power.

Within this collegiate body, the president is the one who “directs the action of the Government” and coordinates the functions of the other members (art. 98 CE). Therefore, he is the head of the executive power.

2.2. Political direction and organization of the Government
  • Determine the general guidelines of Government policy.
  • Coordinate the actions of the ministers and resolve conflicts of competence among them.
  • Propose to the King the appointment and dismissal of ministers (art. 100 CE).
  • Call and preside over the meetings of the Council of Ministers and set their agenda.
2.3. Relationship with the Cortes Generales

The Constitution assigns him several key powers in the Executive–Legislative relationship:

  • Be invested by the Congress (art. 99 CE): the King proposes him and the Congress elects him by a vote of confidence.
  • Raise the question of confidence before the Congress (art. 112 CE).
  • Respond to the motion of no confidence (art. 113 CE), which if successful implies his dismissal and the appointment of a new president.
  • Propose the dissolution of the Congress, the Senate or the Cortes Generales to the King and the calling of elections (art. 115 CE), within the temporal limits set by the Constitution.
2.4. Powers in exceptional situations

In states of alarm, exception and siege (arts. 116 CE and Organic Development Law), the president of the Government:

  • Proposes to the Council of Ministers the declaration of the state of alarm, which is decreed by the Government and must later be controlled by the Congress.
  • Requests authorization from the Congress for the states of exception and siege, and assumes political and security direction in those scenarios, with legal and constitutional limits.
2.5. Responsibility and control

The president of the Government is politically responsible before the Congress: he can be forced to resign by a motion of no confidence and his constant action is subject to parliamentary control (questions, interpellations, committees, etc.). Additionally, he is legally accountable for crimes he may commit in the exercise of his functions, with a specific procedural statute.

3. Essential difference between both positions

In summary, the Constitution:

  • Defines and regulates in detail the functions and powers of the president of the Government as head of the executive power of the State.
  • Does not regulate the functions of the president of the Popular Party (nor any other party); it only establishes a general framework for parties (art. 6) and leaves the definition of their positions to their internal statutes.

What results did each of these parties obtain in the 2023 general elections and how is the Congress of Deputies currently distributed?

In the general elections of July 23, 2023, the PP was the most voted candidacy and obtained 137 seats, followed by the PSOE with 121; Vox with 33; and Sumar with 31. The resulting Congress had 350 deputies. To explain its subsequent distribution, it is necessary to distinguish between the seats won by each candidacy and the parliamentary groups: changes of group do not modify the electoral result.

Since your message does not include a specific list of parties, I include all candidacies that obtained representation. The following figures correspond to the definitive result, not to poll estimates.

Results of the 2023 elections

The official distribution published by the Central Electoral Board and in the BOE of definitive results was as follows. Percentages correspond to the whole of Spain:

  • PP: 8,091,840 votes, 33.05%, and 137 deputies.
  • PSOE: 7,760,970 votes, 31.70%, and 121 deputies.
  • Vox: 3,033,744 votes, 12.39%, and 33 deputies.
  • Sumar: 3,014,006 votes, 12.31%, and 31 deputies.
  • ERC: 462,883 votes, 1.89%, and 7 deputies.
  • Junts: 392,634 votes, 1.60%, and 7 deputies.
  • EH Bildu: 333,008 votes, 1.36%, and 6 deputies.
  • PNV: 275,782 votes, 1.13%, and 5 deputies.
  • BNG: 152,327 votes, 0.62%, and 1 deputy.
  • Coalición Canaria: 114,718 votes, 0.47%, and 1 deputy.
  • UPN: 51,764 votes, 0.21%, and 1 deputy.

Podemos did not obtain a separate result: it ran integrated in the Sumar candidacy. Therefore, its representatives were included in those 31 seats, as noted by this comparison by Demócrata. Adding them again would give an incorrect total.

Subsequent parliamentary distribution

The sources consulted allow documenting subsequent changes, but do not offer a complete verified composition as of November 8, 2026. Therefore, it would not be correct to present the 2023 electoral distribution, nor a previous snapshot of the groups, as if they were automatically the current composition.

The last complete distribution that can be reconstructed with the figures expressly recorded in a dated report is from November 7, 2025:

  • Popular Group: 137 deputies.
  • Socialist Group: 120 deputies.
  • Vox Group: 33 deputies.
  • Plurinational Sumar Group: 26 deputies.
  • Republican Group: 7 deputies.
  • Junts Group: 7 deputies.
  • EH Bildu Group: 6 deputies.
  • Basque Group, PNV: 5 deputies.
  • Mixed Group: 9 deputies, including four from Podemos, Àgueda Micó, José Luis Ábalos, and representatives from BNG, Coalición Canaria, and UPN.

This snapshot comes from Demócrata, November 2025. Subsequently, Ábalos resigned on January 28, 2026 and was replaced by Ana González Herdaro, according to the Congress documentation on deputy substitutions; therefore, that snapshot should not be transferred unchanged to today either.

In short: the 2023 results are closed and total 350 seats; parliamentary affiliation changed afterward. The official reference to check the distribution by groups is the Congress composition page, without confusing it with electoral forecasts.

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What is the number of seats that the PP would obtain according to the IMOP survey published on November 8, 2026?

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Which party records the largest increase in seats compared to the 2023 general elections according to the IMOP survey?

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What is the percentage difference in votes between PP and PSOE according to the IMOP survey of November 8, 2026?

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