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The European Union's Multiannual Financial Framework (MFF) is the EU's long-term spending ceiling, usually for 7 years. Its approval follows a specific procedure set out in the Treaties, distinct but connected to the annual budget process. Below, I explain step by step the parliamentary process and the institutions involved.

1. Starting point: proposal from the European Commission

The process always begins at the European Commission. Approximately two or three years before the new period starts, the Commission:

• Conducts an evaluation of the current MFF: execution, detected problems, new needs.
• Consults Member States, the European Parliament, advisory committees, and stakeholders.
• Submits a proposal for the MFF regulation, which sets:
  • The duration of the framework (for example, 2028‑2034).
  • The annual spending ceilings (in commitment and payment appropriations).
  • The distribution by major spending headings (cohesion, agriculture, climate, migration, etc.).
  • Rules on flexibility and revision (margins, special instruments, mid-term review clauses).

From here, a negotiation begins between the Council and the European Parliament, with the Commission acting as a technical and political mediator.

2. Role of the Council of the EU and the European Council

Legally, the MFF is adopted by the Council of the European Union through a regulation. However, in practice, the key political agreement is set by the heads of state or government meeting in the European Council.

• Finance and European Affairs ministers discuss the proposal in the Council and prepare national positions.
• The MFF requires unanimity in the Council. This gives each State a veto power, making negotiations complex.
• When there is a deadlock or very sensitive decisions (for example, the overall size of the budget or major priorities), the matter goes to the European Council, which tries to close a global “package” compromise.
• That European Council compromise is then translated into a formal position of the Council of the EU, which will be the basis for negotiation with the European Parliament.

3. Role of the European Parliament

The MFF is adopted following a special procedure: the Parliament does not co-legislate on equal footing, but its role is decisive because it must give its consent.

• The proposal is mainly assigned to the Budgets Committee (BUDG), which prepares a report on the Commission's proposal and the Council's position.
• Other sectoral committees (AGRI, REGI, ENVI, etc.) issue opinions on how the MFF affects their policies.
• The Budgets Committee negotiates with the Council, usually through “trilogues” (informal Council–Parliament–Commission meetings), to adjust amounts, flexibility margins, and priorities.
• When there is a compromise text, the Budgets Committee votes on it and refers it to the Plenary of the European Parliament.
• The Plenary then votes whether to give its consent to the MFF regulation agreed in the Council. It cannot amend it directly: only accept or reject it.

If the Parliament rejects the MFF, negotiations must reopen. In practice, institutions try to reach a political pre-agreement before taking it to the Plenary to avoid rejection.

4. Formal adoption and relation with national parliaments

Once the European Parliament's consent is obtained:

• The Council of the EU formally adopts the MFF Regulation unanimously, which is published in the Official Journal of the EU and enters into force.
• In parallel or close in time, the decision on Own Resources (how the budget is financed) is adopted. That decision requires ratification by each national parliament, because it affects each State's contribution and has quasi-constitutional status in many legal systems.
• National parliaments, including the Spanish one, also participate through political oversight of the Government:
  • They debate the Government's position before and after European Councils.
  • They approve orientation resolutions or set “red lines.”
  • They examine the MFF's compatibility with national priorities and state budgets.

5. Connection with the annual budget and revisions

The MFF is not a detailed budget but a framework that conditions the EU's annual budgets:

• Each year the annual budget is negotiated within the ceilings set by the MFF, usually through the ordinary legislative procedure between Council and Parliament.
• The MFF can be revised mid-term (for example, due to crises, new priorities, or new policies). That revision basically follows the same scheme: Commission proposal, Council–Parliament negotiation, Parliament's consent, and Council unanimity.

In summary, the parliamentary process to approve the MFF combines: Commission initiative, unanimous decision by Member States in the Council, essential consent of the European Parliament, and, through the own resources decision and government oversight, the involvement of national parliaments.

Spanish MEPs do not "negotiate the CAP" alone, but they do have a relevant role in almost all political phases of its definition: they draft and negotiate the European Parliament's position, amend the Commission's proposals, and oversee their implementation in Spain. Their power is co-legislative, not executive: they share decisions with other MEPs and with the Council (Member States).

Legislative role in CAP reforms

The Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) is set through several European regulations (direct payments, rural development, common market organization, etc.). In these regulations:

• The European Commission presents the legislative proposals (draft regulations).
• The European Parliament and the Council are co-legislators on equal footing through the ordinary legislative procedure.

Spanish MEPs participate in this co-legislative function just like other MEPs:

• They can submit amendments to the Commission's proposals (directly or through their European political group).
• They vote in the Agriculture and Rural Development Committee (AGRI), where the Parliament's text to be taken to the Plenary is agreed.
• The Parliament appoints a rapporteur and shadow rapporteurs by political group; Spaniards can assume these roles, giving them a central role in negotiations.
• In the Parliament Plenary, Spanish MEPs vote on the Parliament's negotiating mandate and the final text of the CAP regulations.

Negotiations with the Council (“trilogues”)

Once the Parliament has its position and the Council has its own, a compromise text is negotiated:

• These negotiations take place in so-called trilogues (Parliament–Council–Commission).
• The Parliament is represented by the rapporteur, the shadow rapporteurs of each group, and the chair/coordinator of the competent committee (usually AGRI).

Spanish MEPs can:

• Be part of that Parliament “negotiating team” if they are rapporteurs, shadow rapporteurs, or members of the AGRI Committee's bureau.
• Influence the red lines and priorities of their political group before and during trilogues, which is key for the Parliament's position to reflect specific interests of the Spanish agricultural sector.

They do not negotiate directly as a “Spanish delegation” against the Council (that role belongs to the Government in the Council of Agriculture Ministers), but they do condition the Council's room for maneuver by setting the Parliament's position and possible compromise agreements.

CAP budget and financial framework

The CAP is financed with the EU budget (EAGF and EAFRD). In this area, Spanish MEPs:

• Participate in negotiating the Multiannual Financial Framework (MFF), which sets the overall agricultural spending ceilings for several years.
• Intervene in the annual approval of the EU budget, including the breakdown of agricultural appropriations.
• Can advocate for increased funding for agriculture and rural development or rebalancing between headings in coordination with their political groups.

Although they do not exclusively decide the national allocation, their actions can influence the total volume of CAP funds available and the design of instruments (eco-schemes, coupled aids, rural measures) that Spain will later implement.

National planning, control, and supervision

Since the last reform, the CAP is implemented through National Strategic Plans. Spain negotiates its plan with the Commission, but the Parliament and thus Spanish MEPs have several indirect powers:

• They can question the Commission (oral or written questions, resolutions) about the approval and evaluation of Spain's Strategic Plan.
• Participate in the accountability of the Commission on CAP implementation, demanding information on impacts on farm income, environment, young farmers, etc.
• In cases of crisis or imbalances, they can promote legislative revisions or exceptional measures (for example, temporary flexibilizations, crisis aids, agricultural crisis reserves).
• Through initiative reports and resolutions, they set the Parliament's political position on CAP evolution, which influences future reforms.

Political representation of the Spanish agricultural sector

Beyond formal powers, Spanish MEPs fulfill a key political function:

• They act as intermediaries between farmers, cooperatives, and Spanish professional organizations and European institutions, conveying specific demands (Mediterranean crops, irrigation, extensive livestock, island sectors, etc.).
• They can organize hearings, meetings, and events in Parliament to highlight positions of the Spanish countryside.
• They collaborate with the central Government and autonomous communities to align the Spanish position between Council and Parliament, strengthening the country's influence capacity in shaping the CAP.

In summary, Spanish MEPs do not directly manage CAP implementation in Spain, but they substantially influence the design of its rules, the European agricultural budget, the orientation of future reforms, and the supervision of how the Commission applies the policy on Spanish soil.

The latest European Parliament elections held in Spain were on June 9, 2024. The PP obtained 22 seats and the PSOE, 20, making them the two candidacies with the largest representation. Spain elected a total of 61 MEPs, distributed among nine candidacies, according to the European Parliament results.

Distribution of votes and seats

The complete distribution allows distinguishing the percentage of electoral support from the number of representatives obtained. Three candidacies —Ahora Repúblicas, Sumar, and Se Acabó La Fiesta— achieved the same number of seats, although they received different vote percentages:

These figures correspond to the 2024 electoral distribution, not to a description of possible subsequent changes in MEP affiliations. The Central Electoral Board published the definitive results by its agreement of June 27, 2024, recorded in the Official State Gazette of June 28.

What the results show

• PP was the most voted candidacy: it obtained 34.21% and 22 representatives, compared to 30.19% and 20 for PSOE. The difference was 4.02 percentage points and two seats (2024 European results).
• PP and PSOE concentrated 42 of the 61 seats: together they summed 64.40% of the votes and approximately 68.9% of the representatives elected in Spain (2024 European results).
• Vox took third place: it secured six MEPs, while none of the remaining candidacies exceeded three representatives (2024 European results).
• The rest of the representation was distributed among six candidacies: Ahora Repúblicas, Sumar, and SALF obtained three seats each; Podemos, two; and Junts UE and CEUS, one each (2024 European results).

How to interpret the coalitions

Some names in the previous list correspond to coalitions, not a single party. Ahora Repúblicas brought together ERC, EH Bildu, BNG, and Ara Més; its three seats belong to the joint result of that candidacy (official results from the Central Electoral Board). CEUS, Coalition for a Solidary Europe, included PNV and Coalición Canaria, among other formations, and obtained one joint seat (European Parliament results).

Therefore, the Spanish electoral list should not be confused with the European political group: a coalition can bring together representatives who later join different groups within the European Parliament.

Why the distribution is nationwide

In these elections, Spain functions as a single constituency: the 61 seats are distributed based on the votes obtained by each candidacy across the entire country, not through separate allocations by provinces or autonomous communities. This is explained by Demócrata in its analysis of European electoral coalitions.

The main conclusion is, therefore, a distribution led by PP and PSOE, with 42 representatives between them, followed by Vox and six other candidacies with between one and three seats. That is the result of the 2024 Spanish ballot boxes (official European results).