Kast leaves Chile without an official act for the anniversary of the coup d'état of Pinochet in 1973

With the information available from the sources I have been able to consult in this session, it is not possible to reliably determine the specific legislative stage in which the historical memory laws or bills in Chile currently stand, including the possible Law on Memory and Heritage of Human Rights project. There was also a technical error when trying to access specific external search engines, so I do not have the updated processing status from the Chilean National Congress.

That said, it is possible to explain how to locate the exact legislative stage yourself on the official Chilean portals and how to interpret the information you will find there.

1. Where to look for the legislative stage in Chile

The most reliable and updated data on any bill in Chile is on the official sites of the National Congress:

• Chamber of Deputies: www.camara.cl
• Senate: www.senado.cl

Both portals have a search engine for “Bills / Processing”. For historical memory regulations, you can:

• Search by name, typing expressions like “Memory and Heritage of Human Rights”.
• Use broad terms: “historical memory”, “memory sites”, “human rights dictatorship”, etc.
• Filter by subject if the search engine allows it (human rights, memory, reparation, etc.).

Each bill has a specific record; it is there where the precise stage in which it is found appears.

2. What to look at in the bill record

Once you have located the bill that interests you (for example, the one related to memory and heritage of human rights), the processing record usually includes:

• Origin chamber: whether it started in the Chamber or in the Senate.
• Status or “Current processing”, where it indicates if it is:
  • In first constitutional processing (in the origin chamber).
  • In second constitutional processing (in the other chamber).
  • In committee (for example, Human Rights Committee).
  • In mixed committee, if there were discrepancies between both chambers.
  • Approved by Congress and only pending promulgation/publication.
  • Filed or concluded, if the initiative was considered finished.
• Last processing carried out, with date and description (floor discussion, general approval, particular approval, committee report, etc.).
• Bill bulletin, which uniquely identifies the initiative (bulletin number) and links to the full texts.

To answer “what legislative stage is it currently in” you mainly need:

• The bulletin number of each historical memory bill.
• The line indicating “Current status / Current processing” and the date of the last movement.

3. How to interpret the stage once located

Based on what appears in the official record, you can draw these general conclusions:

• If it appears in first constitutional processing in committee, the bill is still being studied by a committee (for example, Human Rights). It still needs to go to the floor of the same chamber and then to the other chamber.
• If it is in first processing on the floor, it is already in the discussion and voting phase in the origin chamber.
• If it appears in second constitutional processing, it has already been approved by the origin chamber and is now being discussed in the other chamber, also going through committee and floor.
• If it indicates mixed committee, there are disagreements between what was approved by the Chamber and Senate, and a joint committee seeks a consensus text.
• If it states that the bill is fully approved by both chambers but still without a law number, the promulgation and publication stage in the official gazette is pending.
• If it appears as filed or similar, the processing has been concluded without becoming current law.

4. How I can help you from there

If you access www.camara.cl or www.senado.cl, locate the historical memory bills that interest you and copy here:

• The bulletin number and the abbreviated title of each bill, and
• The literal text of the “Current Processing / Status” and the “Last Processing”,

I can help you translate that information into a clear map of the stage each initiative is in, what legislative steps remain, and what political and legal consequences each stage has.

In summary: with the tools available in this session, it is not possible to state the exact stage in which the historical memory laws in Chile are today, but with the previous steps you can obtain the exact data from official sources and, if you share it with me, we can analyze it in detail.

I cannot provide you with a substantive and detailed answer about the constitutional powers of the president of Chile regarding the organization of official acts, because I am specifically specialized in the politics, institutions, and regulations of Spain, and my current configuration does not include systematic analysis of constitutional law of other countries. Within this framework, I must stick to the areas where I can guarantee a minimum level of rigor: the Spanish political system, its public legal order, and the actors involved in it.

My design is oriented to work with:

• Spanish regulations: Spanish Constitution, organic and ordinary laws, royal decree-laws, royal decrees, ministerial orders, and other general provisions issued by State institutions and autonomous communities.
• Parliamentary activity: initiatives in the Congress of Deputies and the Senate, as well as in regional parliaments; questions, bills, draft laws, appearances, committees, votes, and session records.
• Action of the Government and Spanish public administrations: agreements of the Council of Ministers, ministry plans and strategies, public consultations, hearings, and participation instruments channeled through official means.
• Spanish political actors: parties, parliamentary groups, public officials and senior administrative officials, their public positions, institutional interventions, and, in certain cases, their activity in media and networks linked to the public sphere.
• Regulatory public debate in Spain: evolution of public policies by sectors (energy, transport, digital, housing, health, etc.), relationship between companies and regulation, as well as the institutional context of these decisions.

Therefore, although the question you raise — the constitutional powers of the president of Chile regarding the organization of official acts — is perfectly legitimate from the point of view of comparative constitutional law, it lies outside my functional scope. To answer it correctly one would have to:

• Analyze the current text of the Constitution of the Republic of Chile, identifying the articles that regulate the powers of the president of the Republic, especially regarding protocol, State representation, administration management, and regulatory authority.
• Contrast that regulation with the Chilean organic and regulatory legislation (laws on State administration, protocol and ceremonial rules, etc.), which usually specify how official acts are practically articulated, who decides their nature, guests, precedence, or institutional format.
• Take into account the constitutional practice and doctrinal and jurisprudential interpretations, which nuance the scope of those formal powers and clarify what is considered an act proper to the head of State, head of Government, or other bodies.

Since my specialization is focused on Spain, I am not in a position to develop that analysis with guarantees for the Chilean case nor to cite the exact provisions, their numbering, or authorized interpretation. Doing so would mean speculating outside the field for which I was designed, and the result could be misleading or inaccurate.

If it is useful to you, I could:

• Explain in detail the powers of the King and the President of the Government in Spain regarding official acts, State representation, organization of ceremonies, and their regulatory coverage.
• Help you understand how official acts are organized, authorized, and regulated in Spain (for example, State acts, ceremonies with foreign heads of State, national commemorative acts, etc.).
• Offer you a comparison framework that, once you have the concrete information about Chile by other means, allows you to contrast similarities and differences between both systems.

If you want to stay within my area of specialization but work on a similar issue, you can reformulate the question, for example, towards the Spanish case or the functioning of official acts in Spanish institutions. In that field, I could give you a detailed answer, with normative references and explanations about institutional practice.

José Antonio Kast is a Chilean lawyer and politician whose trajectory prior to his arrival at the presidency of Chile combines more than two decades of parliamentary activity, leadership of the radical right, and successive presidential candidacies. Before assuming the head of State in March 2026, he was already a consolidated figure in Chilean politics, especially in the conservative and far-right space.

Born on January 18, 1966, in Santiago de Chile, he comes from a family of German origin. According to a biography published by the newspaper Demócrata, his father, Michael Kast Schindele, was a German soldier during World War II and a member of the Nazi Party, who later took refuge in Latin America. That family origin and his father's past have been repeatedly the subject of debate and controversy around his public figure.

Kast studied Law at the Pontifical Catholic University of Chile. During his university stage, he was involved in gremialismo, a student organization current historically linked to the Chilean right and the political legacy of Augusto Pinochet's regime. That experience in university politics constitutes one of his first steps in public life and marks the ideological tone that he later transferred to his parliamentary career and presidential campaigns.

His first elected positions are situated in local politics. According to the trajectory reconstruction made by Demócrata, Kast was a councilman in the Buin commune between 1996 and 2000. That municipal experience was his formal entry into public administration and the first space where he began to project his conservative discourse around order, security, and traditional values.

The leap to national politics came in 2002. Kast was elected deputy and held a seat uninterruptedly until 2018, representing different districts of the Metropolitan Region of Santiago. During those sixteen years, he consolidated an image of a highly ideologized deputy, situated in the most conservative wing of the Chilean right. Although the consulted pieces focus more on his ideological profile than on the detail of each committee or parliamentary responsibility, they agree in emphasizing that he developed a “trajectory of more than two decades in Chilean national politics” before becoming a presidential candidate.

In this stage, he was a relevant figure of the traditional right and the conservative space that would eventually crystallize around his own political project. Press texts later describe him as “pinochetist” and “ultraconservative,” emphasizing that he has not clearly distanced himself from Augusto Pinochet's regime. That identification with the dictatorship's legacy is a central part both of the criticisms he receives and of the narrative that his adversaries and part of public opinion make of his trajectory.

After his long period as deputy, Kast promoted the creation of a new radical right reference. In 2018, he founded the movement “Republican Action”, conceived as his own political platform. A year later, in 2019, he took a further step and established the Republican Party of Chile, a formation he himself leads and which would become the axis of his national projection and his alliances with other actors of the Latin American and European right, according to various political chronicles.

In parallel to this party-building, Kast chained several presidential candidacies. According to the biographical piece from Demócrata, he was a candidate for the Presidency of Chile in 2017, 2021, and 2025. On the first two occasions, he did not reach La Moneda, but he did consolidate his own electoral base and a prominent position in the conservative space, to the point of becoming the main reference of the Chilean far-right. In 2025, at the head of the Republican Party, he competed again for the head of State, reaching a highly polarized second round against the left-wing candidate Jeannette Jara.

His professional profile is summarized in his status as a lawyer. The consulted sources present him as “lawyer and politician” and emphasize his legal training at the Pontifical Catholic University of Chile, without detailing in depth specific stages of professional practice outside politics. The substantive part of his trajectory prior to the presidency develops in the institutional and party field: councilman, deputy for many years, founder and leader of a party, and repeated presidential candidate.

Ideologically, Demócrata and other media characterize him as a figure of the far-right or “radical right.” His discourse axes before becoming president include priority on public order and security, very restrictive proposals on immigration, defense of conservative social values — opposition to abortion and same-sex marriage, defense of a traditional conception of family — and an economic vision of marked liberal cut, emphasizing the reduction of the State's role and public spending. All this, articulated from his own Republican Party, is what allowed him, after several attempts, to open the path that culminated with his election and subsequent arrival at La Moneda.