The PSOE files a complaint with the Public Prosecution Service over a alleged operation to buy false statements from Koldo against Sánchez

If you are referring to the PSOE's complaint about the alleged offer of money to Koldo García to make false accusations against Pedro Sánchez and his circle, it is in an initial assessment phase before the State Attorney General's Office. As of November 13, 2026, its filing is recorded, but the consulted sources do not yet show the formal opening of investigative proceedings for this complaint nor its transfer to a court.

What has been filed and what remains to be decided

The confirmed fact is that the PSOE has approached the Public Prosecutor's Office to request clarification of the alleged operation. The information published by Demócrata on November 13 describes the filing of the complaint and the actions requested by the party, but does not report a Prosecutor's Office resolution agreeing to formally investigate it.

Therefore, it is important to distinguish the filing of a complaint from the opening of an investigation. The former brings certain facts to the Prosecutor's attention; it does not by itself prove their truth nor does it mean that a judge has assigned criminal responsibility to the persons indicated. Nor does this specific complaint show a judicial summons as a suspect.

What facts does the PSOE request to clarify

The complaint requests an investigation into an alleged offer to the former advisor of José Luis Ábalos that would have included payment for his defense, one million euros, and possible penal advantages in exchange for statements against Sánchez, Begoña Gómez, and José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero. That is the version the PSOE asks to verify, not a conclusion of the Prosecutor's Office. (Demócrata, November 13).

The party also demands clarification on who would have organized and financed the alleged operation and what relationship the contacts between the PP's legal head and Koldo's defense would have with it. Likewise, it links its suspicions to the 242,000 euros paid by the publisher of OKDIARIO to cover that defense. (Demócrata, November 13).

Regarding this last point, there is a relevant documentary precedent: two invoices submitted to the National Court record payments of 200,000 euros plus VAT, totaling 242,000 euros, made between November 2025 and January 2026. Documenting these payments alone does not prove that false statements were bought. (Demócrata, October 29).

What may happen next

The next milestone will be to know the Public Prosecutor's decision regarding the complaint and the documentation provided. The possibilities described in the consulted information include:

• Dismissing the complaint, if there are no sufficient indications to proceed.
• Opening pretrial investigative proceedings, that is, Prosecutor's checks prior to judicial proceedings.
• Transferring the facts to a court, if indications justify a judicial investigation.

It is not yet known which of these paths has been taken. Neither are there statements, police reports, or financial checks ordered specifically as a result of this filing.

What should not be confused with this complaint

Existing actions regarding Koldo, payments for his defense, or other judicial branches do not automatically prove that this new complaint has been admitted or investigated. They are precedents that must be distinguished from the status of this filing.

In summary: complaint filed and pending a known decision from the Prosecutor's Office. The accusations about an alleged purchase of statements and the involvement of the PP are not judicially proven; the PP has denied Koldo's account. (Demócrata, November 5).

The Prime Minister is the central figure of the executive power in Spain. The 1978 Constitution regulates their powers mainly in articles 97 to 100, as well as some scattered mentions (for example in arts. 62, 92, or 99). From these, their main legal functions are articulated.

Direction of the Government and domestic and foreign policy

Article 97 of the Constitution establishes the core of their powers:

• Directs the action of the Government, that is, coordinates and guides the joint work of all ministers and the Council of Ministers as a whole.
• Sets and leads domestic policy (economy, public services, internal security, relations with autonomous communities, etc.).
• Sets and leads foreign policy (diplomatic relations, Spain's position in the EU and international organizations, major lines of international policy), always within the framework established by the Constitution and laws.
• Exercises the Government's regulatory power (approval of regulations and other norms of lower rank than law) and the executive function (application of laws).

All this means that the Prime Minister sets the general political line of the Executive and resolves conflicts of criteria within the Government itself.

Relationship with the King and the Cortes Generales

Although the King is the head of State, the Constitution requires that most of his acts be countersigned by the Prime Minister or ministers (art. 64). The Prime Minister:

• Countersigns, among others, the royal decrees by which ministers are appointed and dismissed, the Chambers are dissolved, or elections are called, which implies great political decision-making power.
• Can propose to the King the dissolution of the Congress, the Senate, or the Cortes and the calling of general elections, within the limits established in the Constitution (art. 115).

Their powers are also closely connected with the Cortes:

• They arise from the parliamentary investiture (art. 99): they are the candidate who obtains the confidence of the Congress.
• They are politically accountable before the Congress, which can demand their responsibility through a motion of censure (art. 113) or deny confidence in a vote of confidence (art. 112).

Appointment and dismissal of ministers

Article 100 establishes that the other members of the Government (vice presidents and ministers) are appointed and dismissed by the King at the proposal of the Prime Minister. In practice:

• They decide the structure of the Government (which ministries exist and with what powers, through royal decrees of structure).
• They choose the people who will hold ministerial portfolios and can dismiss them when deemed appropriate.

Thus, the Prime Minister configures the political team with which they will carry out their program and can reshuffle it during the legislature.

Direction of the Administration and territorial coordination

As the highest responsible of the Executive, the Prime Minister directs the General State Administration. Although specific powers are distributed among ministries, they are responsible for:

• Setting the priorities and main lines of administrative action.
• Promoting bills and royal decree-laws through the Council of Ministers.
• Playing a central role in coordination with the autonomous communities, especially in sectoral conferences and in managing competence conflicts, within the framework of the Constitution and organic laws.

Normative and political leadership powers

The Prime Minister's powers are often materialized through the Council of Ministers, a collegiate body that formally adopts decisions. However, the Constitution attributes to the Prime Minister the function of:

• Promoting bills that the Government presents to the Cortes.
• Promoting the approval of royal decree-laws in cases of extraordinary and urgent need (art. 86), which must later be ratified by the Congress.
• Setting the Government's political agenda, including legislative, economic, social, or international priorities.

Political responsibility and dismissal

The Prime Minister's powers are balanced with intense political responsibility:

• They must maintain the confidence of the Congress; if lost, they are obliged to resign or propose the dissolution of the Chambers under constitutional conditions.
• They cease office due to loss of parliamentary confidence, resignation, death, or after general elections when a new Prime Minister is chosen.

In sum, the Constitution configures the Prime Minister as the true center of political direction of the State in the executive sphere: coordinating ministers, setting general policy, acting as a bridge between the King and the Cortes, and assuming ultimate responsibility before Parliament.

In Spain, there is no single procedure called "dirty war investigation". That expression describes political practices, but the legal investigation depends on the facts: illegal espionage, fabrication of evidence, illicit use of public resources, illegal detentions, or violence. The main rules distinguish between criminal investigation, control of police forces, and supervision of intelligence services.

1. Spanish Constitution: rights and limits of power

The Spanish Constitution establishes the framework for any investigation. Its article 9 subjects public powers to the legal system and prohibits arbitrary actions; article 14 prevents discrimination based on political opinions, and article 15 protects life and physical and moral integrity and prohibits torture.

This means that a political purpose or an invocation of State security does not place an operation outside the law. The investigation of these facts must also respect the fundamental rights of the affected persons.

2. Criminal Procedure Law: how possible crimes are investigated

The Criminal Procedure Law, approved by Royal Decree of September 14, 1882, and subsequently reformed, is the central procedural norm. It regulates complaints, investigative proceedings, witness statements, precautionary measures, participation of parties, and the transition to trial.

Its importance is practical: a suspicion of illicit operation must be translated into investigable facts and legally obtained evidence. The law requires considering both circumstances against and favorable to the investigated person and guarantees that a penalty can only be imposed by sentence of the competent judicial body.

The Organic Law 13/2015 reformed this norm to strengthen procedural guarantees and regulate technological investigation measures. It is especially relevant when intercepted communications, electronic devices, or surveillance techniques appear.

3. Penal Code: which behaviors can be prosecuted

The Organic Law 10/1995, of the Penal Code, does not by itself establish the investigation procedure: it defines criminal behaviors and their consequences. Therefore, it is necessary to separate what is investigated from how it is investigated.

Its regulation protects, among other goods, freedom, moral integrity, privacy, and honor. It also contemplates penal response against illegal detentions, entries, or searches carried out by authorities or officials. The label "dirty war" does not replace the identification of the specific crime nor automatically prove its existence.

4. Security forces: legality and political neutrality

The Organic Law 2/1986, of Security Forces and Corps, establishes the principles that agents must respect: legality, responsibility, political neutrality, impartiality, and rejection of arbitrary or discriminatory actions.

It also frames the judicial police function in the investigation of crimes. It is relevant to examine whether police powers were used against political opponents, but it does not replace the criminal procedure when facts may constitute a crime.

5. Intelligence services: specific controls

The Law 11/2002, regulating the CNI, expressly subjects its activities to the legal system and parliamentary and judicial control. It provides for parliamentary supervision of its objectives and activities.

It is complemented by the Organic Law 2/2002, of prior judicial control of the CNI, for measures requiring judicial authorization. This prior control does not equate to criminally investigating an allegedly illegal action. In short, the criminal route determines crimes and responsibilities; institutional controls examine the actions of the involved bodies.