Zapatero, before the National Court: keys to a hearing that tests the PSOE and Pedro Sánchez

Parliamentary status and judicial instruction of the Plus Ultra bailout

At the parliamentary level, the Plus Ultra bailout is not currently channeled through a specific investigative commission with its own report and schedule, but rather through scattered control initiatives in the Congress and Senate (appearances, information requests, and written questions). In parallel, the judicial instruction is fully active in the National Court, in Central Investigative Court No. 4, with several open cases, under secrecy, and without dismissal decisions. The judicial focus has evolved from the mere legality of the bailout to possible crimes of money laundering, influence peddling, and criminal organization linked to the destination of the 53 million euros. The next steps involve new secret investigations, possible statements from defendants, and decisions about the future of the seized funds.

1. Situation in the General Courts

In the Congress of Deputies, the Plus Ultra bailout is addressed indirectly within the broader framework of the so-called “Koldo case.” One recent initiative is a request from the Popular Group to detail the RTVE news coverage on 3/2/2026 about José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero’s appearance before the investigative commission of the “Koldo case,” where the Plus Ultra bailout was also discussed. This initiative is recorded as a control action, with the last publication on 04/27/2026, with no record of a specific parliamentary report on Plus Ultra nor an imminent vote on conclusions specific to the bailout in Congress. Details can be found in the Chamber Bulletin in this document.

In the Senate, activity is more focused on government oversight. Notably, there is a request for the appearance of the AESA director, Montserrat Mestres Domènech, before the Finance Commission to explain the technical reports that supported the financial aid to Plus Ultra within the FASEE framework; this appearance is still listed as “pending processing” (see initiative).

Additionally, numerous written questions and information requests have been submitted, mostly by the Popular Group and the Mixed Group, addressing: the role of the Spanish Embassy in Caracas after the bailout (example), possible irregularities (debts with Social Security, allegedly false documentation, example), reputational impact and control mechanisms (example), or alleged pressures and political protection of Zapatero (example). All are recorded as “pending (government response).”

In summary, the “parliamentary status” is that of a diffuse political investigation, articulated through control initiatives but without a monographic commission on Plus Ultra with its own report and findings. The next formal steps will depend on appearances such as that of AESA materializing and the Executive’s responses, which could lead to new documentation requests or tougher political oversight, but as of today, there is no fixed schedule for voting on conclusions about the bailout.

2. Current status of the judicial instruction

On the judicial front, the case is currently in the National Court, in Central Investigative Court No. 4, presided over by Judge José Luis Calama. The investigation arrived there from Investigative Court No. 15 of Madrid, which initially analyzed the complaint and dismissed the part related to the administrative granting of the aid, but the National Court has redirected the focus toward possible diversion of bailout funds to a money laundering and influence peddling network. According to Demócrata and other rulings, since March 3, 2026, the case has been formally assumed by the National Court and is under judicial secrecy.

There are several open cases: the main case about the 53 million bailout and alleged laundering linked to Venezuela (see details); a specific derivative on influence peddling, opened on May 22, 2026 (new case); a line concerning a contract with a 1% commission channeled through a Dubai structure (1% contract); and another focused on the role of Rodolfo Reyes Rojas as a key piece of the political and business network that allegedly facilitated the bailout (Reyes profile).

Among the investigated are former president José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, charged with alleged laundering linked to the bailout (Zapatero’s indictment); airline executives such as Julio Martínez and Roberto Roselli, arrested in December 2025 and released with precautionary measures while the case continues (December 2025 milestones); as well as businessmen linked to the commission contract and corporate network. The Popular Party has also requested investigations into Zapatero’s daughters, José Luis Ábalos, and Koldo García in the influence peddling derivative (PP request).

3. Next steps in the instruction

According to judicial information and Demócrata, no dismissal has been decreed for any of the cases; all remain active and under secrecy. The foreseeable next milestones are the continuation of investigative proceedings (analysis of transfers, international cooperation, possible rogatory commissions to Venezuela about structures like “Snip Aviation,” as requested by the PP), taking statements from the main defendants when secrecy allows, and a future decision on the status of the funds: 34 million euros have already been released, a decision questioned by experts like Pedro Martín Molina (criticisms of fund release).

Only once the instruction is closed and secrecy lifted will Judge Calama decide whether to issue an order to open oral trial against the various defendants or decree partial dismissals. Until then, the procedural status can be summarized as an open, complex, and expanding case, where the focus is no longer only the formal legality of the bailout but the possible use of that public money as the engine of a money laundering and influence peddling network with political and transnational ramifications.

Initial summary

The Prime Minister, according to Spanish legislation, is not the body that ordinarily grants public aid, but does have a central role in defining its political framework, approving basic rules through the Council of Ministers, and assuming direct powers in aid of special political, economic, or strategic relevance. The specific granting of subsidies generally corresponds to ministries and other competent administrative bodies, in accordance with Law 38/2003 General Subsidies Law and budgetary regulations. The Prime Minister directs the Government’s action (art. 97 CE) and coordinates the ministers, which translates into the capacity to promote, prioritize, limit, or redirect aid programs. Additionally, the Prime Minister intervenes in agreements that approve the regulatory bases of state subsidies, strategic subsidy plans, and royal decree-laws that create or modify public support lines.

Constitutional and government framework

The Spanish Constitution configures the position of the Prime Minister as key to understanding their powers regarding public aid:

Firstly, article 97 CE establishes that the Government directs domestic and foreign policy, the civil and military administration, and the defense of the State, as well as the executive function and regulatory power. The Prime Minister is the one who directs and coordinates the Government’s action. This means that any state-level public aid policy (subsidies, subsidized loans, direct aid, public guarantees, etc.) is inserted within the general economic and social policy, which the Prime Minister leads and guides.

Secondly, the Prime Minister proposes to the King the appointment and dismissal of ministers and distributes, reorganizes, or restructures ministerial departments. This organizational capacity allows deciding which ministry assumes the management of certain aid programs (for example, if a business support line is concentrated in Industry, Economy, or a specific ministry), and how coordination is articulated among them when there are cross-cutting aids (digitalization, ecological transition, housing, etc.).

Relationship with the General Subsidies Law

Law 38/2003, General Subsidies Law, sets the basic legal regime of State public aid. This law does not attribute to the Prime Minister the ordinary granting of subsidies, which falls to the competent administrative bodies of each ministry or agency. However, the Prime Minister influences several essential points:

On one hand, the regulatory bases of the most significant state subsidies are approved by royal decree or ministerial order, at the proposal of the competent minister and after deliberation by the Council of Ministers. Since the Council of Ministers is chaired by the Prime Minister, they set the agenda, guide the debate, and can promote or block the approval of these bases, which determine requirements, evaluation criteria, maximum amounts, and obligations of beneficiaries.

On the other hand, the General Subsidies Law requires that subsidy policy be consistent with budgetary stability and fiscal discipline objectives. The Prime Minister, together with the economic vice-presidency and the Ministry of Finance, defines the general budgetary policy and, therefore, the fiscal space available for aid, both in the General State Budgets and in extraordinary situations (economic crises, health or energy emergencies).

Normative power and extraordinary decisions

The Prime Minister has direct influence when the creation or modification of public aid is done through royal decree-laws or royal decrees of the Government. According to the Constitution, the Government can issue decree-laws in cases of extraordinary and urgent need; these normative texts, approved by the Council of Ministers under the Prime Minister’s presidency, have been the usual instrument to establish urgent aid packages (for example, in financial crises, energy price increases, or natural disasters). In these contexts, the Prime Minister leads the political decision to launch new aid lines, their total amount, and priority recipients.

Additionally, the Prime Minister can lead strategic subsidy plans at the state level, which must be approved by the Government when they affect several ministries or involve a significant volume of resources. These plans define objectives, priority areas, general criteria, and evaluation mechanisms, conditioning the aids that various departments will later grant.

Inter-administrative coordination and European funds

In the field of aid financed with European funds (for example, structural funds or extraordinary instruments like the Next Generation EU funds), the Prime Minister has a decisive role in negotiating with European Union institutions and in approving, in the Council of Ministers, the national plans that serve as the basis for the aids. Although operational management is shared among ministries and autonomous communities, the strategic orientation, prioritization of flagship projects, and overall distribution among major public policies are decided under the Prime Minister’s direction.

Likewise, the Prime Minister leads coordination with autonomous communities and local entities when co-financed aids or state programs requiring territorial collaboration are articulated (for example, sectoral conferences on housing, employment, or social cohesion where funds for regional aids are distributed). Although the formal granting competence usually falls to regional governments or specific ministries, the global political line and framework conditions are set in agreements promoted from the Prime Minister’s office.

Conclusion

In summary, Spanish legislation configures the Prime Minister as the political and strategic director of public aid policy, rather than as a managing body that signs individual subsidy resolutions. Their influence is concretized in defining priorities and plans, approving rules and decrees that create or regulate aids, assigning competencies to ministries, and activating extraordinary support packages in times of crisis. The ordinary execution and processing of aids correspond, however, to the specialized sectoral Administration, under the political, budgetary, and regulatory framework established by the Prime Minister and the Government.

Political and professional trajectory of José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero before and after his presidency

José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, born in Valladolid in 1960 and raised in León, is one of the central figures of recent Spanish socialism. A PSOE member since 1979, he first developed a solid parliamentary and organizational career culminating in his election as party secretary-general in 2000 and his rise to the presidency of the Government in 2004. During his two terms (2004‑2011) he promoted a broad package of social and civil reforms and managed the impact of the 2008 financial crisis. After leaving La Moncloa, he has maintained intense international activity, especially as a mediator and lecturer, and in recent years his figure combines a reformist legacy with new judicial and political controversies.

Education and early political steps

Zapatero holds a Law degree from the University of León and was a Constitutional Law professor before dedicating himself fully to politics, according to various institutional and academic reference biographies such as La Moncloa and specialized biographical portals. He joined the PSOE in 1979 and soon integrated into the Leonese socialist organization, participating in Socialist Youth and the party’s provincial structure. This territorial base in León was the main springboard for his career.

Parliamentary and organizational career before the presidency

In the 1986 general elections, he obtained for the first time the seat of deputy for León in Congress, a seat he renewed in successive legislatures, consolidating himself as a long-standing parliamentarian (Nueva Economía Fórum). In the Lower House, he worked on commissions such as Justice and Interior, Constitutional, Ombudsman, and Public Administrations, becoming socialist spokesperson in some of these areas, with a profile focused on institutional and state organization issues.

Internally, he was elected provincial secretary-general of the PSOE in León in 1988 and joined the party’s Federal Committee in the 1990s. The big leap occurred in 2000, when, at the XXXV Federal Congress, he was elected PSOE secretary-general, prevailing over more publicly known leaders like José Bono or Rosa Díez, in an operation interpreted as generational change and a bet on renewed leadership (El Demócrata).

President of the Government (2004‑2011)

Leading the PSOE candidacy, Zapatero won the general elections on March 14, 2004, and was invested president after the parliamentary debate of April 15‑16, 2004, starting the VIII Legislature. His investiture speech, whose axes and commitments are detailed in El Demócrata, was structured around five major blocks: regeneration of public life, multilateral foreign policy, economic modernization, strengthening social policies and equality, and expansion of civil rights.

In foreign policy, one of his first gestures was the withdrawal of Spanish troops from Iraq and the defense of a “preventive diplomacy against preventive war,” as well as promoting the Alliance of Civilizations initiative at the United Nations (CIDOB). Domestically, his governments approved some of the most significant social reforms of recent democracy: the law against gender violence, the Equality Law, the Dependency Law, the Historical Memory Law, and the reform that allowed same-sex marriage, placing Spain at the international forefront in LGTBI rights (Biografías y Vidas).

He also promoted reforms in the economic and regulatory field (Organic Education Law, points-based driving license system, tightening anti-smoking regulations) and a territorial agenda under the idea of “plural Spain,” focusing on the reform of the Catalonia Statute and the debate on the Basque and Catalan territorial fit. According to CIDOB’s analysis, his second term (from 2008) was strongly marked by the international financial crisis: after expansionary measures like the Plan E, the Government shifted toward austerity policies, labor reforms, pension reforms, and financial system reforms, which deteriorated his political capital.

Notable institutional responsibilities

Besides the presidency of the Government (2004‑2011), Zapatero was rotating president of the European Council in the first half of 2010 and chaired the IDEAS Foundation between 2008 and 2012 (encyclopedic summary). After leaving Moncloa on December 21, 2011, he became an ex officio member of the Council of State in 2012, a position he left in 2015 to assume new responsibilities in cultural diplomacy and socially responsible contracting (Lecturalia).

Post-presidency activity

Since 2012, Zapatero has developed an intense international and political reflection agenda. Various sources, including El Demócrata and political analyses collected in media and study centers, point to him as a recurring mediator in the Venezuelan crisis, in contact with Nicolás Maduro’s government and other actors, as well as a participant in forums and missions linked to public diplomacy, including a growing presence in China.

Domestically, he has continued to be a PSOE reference, supporting Pedro Sánchez at various stages and participating in electoral campaigns and debates on social rights. According to El Demócrata’s information, his figure has also been surrounded by new controversies, such as his investigation in the so-called Plus Ultra case for alleged crimes of influence peddling and criminal organization, a process in which the PSOE has defended him highlighting his innocence and legacy.

Added to these facets is his role as author and lecturer, participation in advisory boards of international foundations linked to cultural diplomacy and socially responsible contracting forums, and a constant presence in public debate spaces. The whole paints a former president with a particularly active external projection and a profile that continues to generate support and criticism, between the appreciation of his progressive reforms and questioning of some of his alliances and subsequent actions.