European socialists want to put a stop to the ticket-selling business of Bad Bunny

The group argues that the future Digital Equity Law should require influencers to identify their sponsorships and hold them accountable for promoting illegal or fraudulent products, in addition to extending obligations to the brands and agencies that fund their campaigns

20250519 EP 185190A LD1 026

20250519 EP 185190A LD1 026

Add DEMÓCRATA to Google

Ask FREN

Published

6 minutes

Most read

Elecciones 29N · Encuestas

La media de las encuestas

Media a 6 de noviembre de 2026 · 13 institutos

  • PP30,9 %
  • PSOE26,2 %
  • Vox19,5 %
  • Frente Amplio6,6 %
  • ERC2,5 %
  • SALF2,3 %
  • Podemos2,2 %
01020304050ene 2024jul 2024ene 2025jul 2025ene 2026jul 2026

Media del último estudio de cada instituto en 30 días y su evolución semanal desde el 23J. Partidos con al menos un 2 %.

Todas las encuestas

Elecciones generales del 29 de noviembre · Demócrata

The digital agenda of European socialists has this legislature a marked priority in red: the so-called Digital Equity Act that the European Commission will present next week. The group has been pushing for years to move forward with an initiative that aims to correct the power imbalance between big tech companies and consumers. The goal is to combat unfair commercial practices that, according to their estimates, cost users close to 8 billion euros.

The reports the socialists are handling point to the fact that 97% of the most popular applications and websites contain "tricks" designed to manipulate users' decisions. Among them are deliberately long click paths, misleading language, or subscription processes that are disproportionately complex. These are mechanisms that make certain consumer decisions difficult, especially when they want to cancel a service or leave a platform.

The proposal would involve broadly banning the so-called dark patterns through an update to the directive on unfair commercial practices. This would be added to by a ban on so-called "digital subscription traps" and hidden automatic renewals. Lawmakers also argue that the text finally adopted by the College of Commissioners will guarantee consumers' right to have accessible and effective human assistance when resolving disputes or terminating contracts.

The brake on digital addiction mechanisms

The legislative intervention that the socialists are calling for is not limited to commercial practices. The data they are handling also point to the fact that one in four children and young people experiences addictive patterns of behavior as a result of interfaces designed to keep their attention. A concern the group also extends to adults, given the impact these mechanisms can have on their digital consumption habits.

The socialist coordinator on the Committee on Internal Market of the European Parliament, Laura Ballarín, argues that the future regulation will lock in security "by design and by default." This would imply obliging platforms to deactivate by default certain neuromarketing functions, such as the automatic playback of content, the infinite scrolling of the screen (infinite scroll), push notifications, streaks, or artificial rewards.

European Parliament
European Parliament -

Another of the proposals involves introducing mandatory notices about screen time, accompanied by time limits in certain cases. Ballarín argues that protection against these mechanisms should not be limited to minors. "Adults also need seat belts, speed limits and airbags because the current product is unsafe", the MEP exemplifies.

Against hidden prices and price increases during purchase

The Socialist bid for the future law also extends to commercial practices related to price-setting. The group calls on the European Commission to intervene against constant changes in tariffs, hidden costs that appear during the checkout process, or disproportionate increases in certain cultural events and transportation services.

During its talks with the Community Executive to draw up the proposal, Ballarín has advocated total transparency and the prohibition of the so-called drip pricing. This practice consists of initially showing a lower price than the one the consumer must ultimately pay, with additional costs being added as the purchase process moves forward. The aim is for the final mandatory price to appear from the very first moment, without unexpected surcharges when you reach the checkout screen.

The Socialists also want to ban any increase in price once the purchase process has started, even after the product has been added to the basket. This measure would be accompanied by a limitation on dynamic prices based on demand in sectors such as transport, cultural events and live entertainment.

The group also intends to intervene regarding higher prices for services in situations of crisis and emergency, as well as on price-setting systems based on sensitive data from users. The objective is to prevent personal information or particular circumstances of each consumer from becoming a tool for increasing the cost of the same product or service.

Concert tickets, in the spotlight

One of the areas in which socialists want to introduce greater restrictions is ticket reselling. Their proposal involves prohibiting, at a community scale, the commercialization of seats above their original face value and establishing stricter controls on the use of bots to carry out mass purchases.

The initiative seeks to intervene in a market in which the combination of automated reselling, ticket scarcity, and price increases can end up making it harder for consumers to access certain events. Ballarín argues that sporting events and concerts “shouldn’t be just for the rich,” at a time when, in his view, “they are becoming a luxury”.

The MEP also extends this approach to services for vehicles for hire with a driver (VTC), for which she calls for greater guarantees against the personalization of tariffs. In this regard, she argues that the price “should cost the same regardless of your origin, your data, or the battery left in your mobile”.

The video games dilemma

The video game sector will also be part of the scope of the future regulation. Socialists want to prevent the European Commission from lowering the ambition of the initiative in areas such as the mechanisms of chance and the opacity that virtual currencies generate, which can end up concealing the real spending of players.

Among their proposals is the requirement that platforms display the prices of in-app purchases in real currency, rather than relying exclusively on virtual currencies that make it harder to know how much money is being spent. They also propose banning so-called loot boxes —reward boxes whose contents are unknown until the time of purchase— the mechanisms of pay to win, and other similar functions linked to gambling.

European Parliament
European Parliament -

The group believes that these practices should not be addressed exclusively from the perspective of protecting minors. “Most players are not children, but adults,” they explain from the socialist camp, which calls for the future regulation to take into account the entire market.

Influencers will also have to be held accountable

The responsibility of platforms and digital operators would also extend to a group that still lacks specific harmonized regulation at European level: the influencers. Although some Member States, such as France, have already begun to intervene in this activity, the Socialists want Brussels to establish common obligations for the whole of the Union.

The data they handle points to the fact that only 20% of content creators systematically state when a post has a commercial nature or is sponsored. In this situation, the group of Iratxe García calls for the future law to establish the obligation to identify sponsorships and to include the personal legal responsibility of the influencers when they promote illegal or fraudulent products. Ballarín, however, considers that obligations should not fall solely on those who publish the content. The MEP asks that the Commission also follow the trail of the companies that fund these campaigns. "You have to follow the money," she says. "Brands and agencies also have to be held accountable," she concludes from the European Parliament.

Personalization, another regulatory frontier

The latest of the major areas that the Socialists want to intervene in is that of the personalization of digital services. The group warns that certain systems may take advantage of users’ emotional vulnerabilities to guide their consumption decisions. Among the examples they point to are dating platforms and betting applications, which can use personal information to tailor their offers and incentives.

Given this scenario, they call on the European Commission to establish non-personalization as the default configuration for all digital services. The proposal would be completed by extending the restrictions on targeted advertising to all digital merchants, beyond the large platforms that are already subject to the obligations of the Digital Services Act (DSA).

The intention of the socialists is that the future Digital Equity Law not be limited to updating the obligations of the big tech companies, but rather extend protection guarantees to the entire digital market. An intervention that aims to cover—from the way prices are presented and subscriptions are contracted to recommendation mechanisms, advertising, and the commercialization of digital content.

More key points, information and questions with FREN

AI-GENERATED CONTENT

At what stage of parliamentary processing is the Digital Fairness Act in the European Parliament, and what are the next steps until its final approval?

As of November 6, 2026, the so-called Digital Fairness Act —Digital Fairness Act— has not yet started its legislative process in the European Parliament. It is in the preparatory phase of the European Commission: the Parliament presents it as an announced initiative, not as a proposal in first reading or in final negotiation. Therefore, there is no definitive approval date yet.

Current situation: before the legislative proposal

The Parliament's legislative tracking places the initiative in the fourth quarter of 2026. The information consulted points to November 11, 2026 as the expected date for the Commission to adopt its proposal; this is a forecast, not a milestone already met. Demócrata notes this November 6 that the presentation is scheduled for the following week.

So far, preparatory work has been carried out: evaluation of consumer legislation, collection of contributions, and preparation of the impact assessment. The public consultation ended on October 24, 2025, according to the parliamentary tracking information. This work does not amount to submitting a proposal nor does it by itself open the first reading.

Consequently, there is still no parliamentary legislative procedure number, formally designated responsible committee, Parliament's position, negotiation mandate, or provisional agreement. It is also not definitively specified whether the initiative will take the form of a regulation, directive, or legislative package, as noted in the parliamentary service analysis.

Next steps until final approval

Once the proposal is submitted, the expected path will be the ordinary legislative procedure: the European Parliament and the Council of the European Union must agree on the same text. Therefore, a favorable vote by MEPs alone is not enough. The foreseeable stages are:

  • Adoption by the Commission. The Commission will approve and publish the proposal, accompanied by supporting documentation, and send it to Parliament and the Council. This will be the formal start of the legislative process.
  • Work in parliamentary committee. Parliament will assign the text to the competent committee, likely Internal Market and Consumer Protection, although this assignment is not yet final. A report will be prepared, amendments presented, and a position voted on.
  • Preparation of institutional positions. Parliament will establish its position or negotiation mandate. Meanwhile, Member States will examine the proposal in the Council and seek a common position.
  • Negotiation between institutions. Trilogues may be held: meetings between Parliament, Council, and Commission to bring positions closer. Their goal will be to reach a shared text; an agreement in these meetings will be provisional, not the final approval.
  • Formal approval. The agreed text must be approved by Parliament and adopted by the Council. The specific sequence will depend on when they reach agreement: the order of stages does not imply that all files follow an identical chronology.
  • Publication and effects. After signing, the rule will be published in the Official Journal of the European Union. Its entry into force and application will depend on the final text; if it is a directive, there will also be a national transposition period.
Which date to watch

The next milestone is the presentation of the Commission's proposal, not a final vote by Parliament. From that point, the legal scope, proposed obligations, and parliamentary file can be known. For now, there is no fixed voting schedule or final approval date: the November forecast corresponds to the start of the process, not its conclusion.

What are the competencies and functions of the European Commission in the development and proposal of directives on unfair commercial practices?

The European Commission plays a central role in the development of directives on unfair commercial practices, but it does not legislate alone: it proposes and performs technical, political, and supervisory functions, while the normative decision-making power lies with the European Parliament and the Council. In this area, its action is mainly based on Articles 17 of the TEU and 114 and 169 of the TFEU (internal market and consumer protection).

1. Legislative initiative competence

The most relevant competence of the Commission is the almost exclusive monopoly of legislative initiative in EU law. This means that:

  • Only the Commission can formally submit a directive proposal on unfair commercial practices (for example, rules harmonizing what is considered misleading or aggressive advertising towards consumers).
  • The European Parliament, the Council, Member States, or other actors can request the Commission to act, but they cannot replace its proposal with their own text if the Commission does not present one.
  • The typical legal basis is Article 114 TFEU (approximation of laws for the internal market), complemented by Article 169 TFEU (consumer protection), which justifies the Commission proposing common rules against unfair practices throughout the EU.

2. Technical and political preparation of proposals

Before proposing a directive, the Commission performs functions of analysis, consultation, and regulatory design:

  • Problem identification: detects distortions in the internal market (for example, differences between States that generate unfair competition or lower consumer protection) or new commercial practices (online, platforms, influencers, etc.).
  • Studies and reports: commissions economic and legal impact studies, collects CJEU case law and experience from national consumer and competition authorities.
  • Public and expert consultations: organizes open consultations with companies, consumer associations, NGOs, and national authorities, and expert group meetings that help specify regulatory options.
  • Impact assessment: analyzes different regulatory alternatives (self-regulation, directive, regulation, recommendations) and their impact on competitiveness, innovation, and consumer protection.
  • Internal coordination: the competent directorates-general (mainly Justice and Consumers, Internal Market, Competition, and sometimes Digital Connectivity) negotiate a common text, which undergoes inter-service consultation and Regulatory Scrutiny Board control.

3. Presentation and defense of the proposal

Once the draft is adopted by the College of Commissioners, the Commission:

  • Formally submits the directive proposal to the European Parliament and the Council, with its explanatory memorandum and impact study.
  • Participates throughout the legislative process: attends debates in parliamentary committees and Council working groups, explains the objective and technical architecture of the proposal, and proposes drafting compromises.
  • Can modify its proposal while the procedure is ongoing, to integrate amendments from Parliament and Member States, maintain text coherence and the desired level of harmonization.

Although the Commission does not vote on the directive, its capacity for initiative, proposing compromises, and technical assistance gives it decisive influence over the final content of rules on unfair commercial practices.

4. Execution, development, and coordination functions

Once the directive on unfair commercial practices is approved, the Commission assumes additional functions:

  • Monitoring transposition: supervises how Member States incorporate the directive into their national legal systems and can open infringement procedures if it is not transposed on time or is done incorrectly.
  • Development through delegated or implementing acts: when empowered by the directive, it can adopt acts that specify technical elements (for example, additional lists or criteria to assess a practice as misleading) ensuring uniform application.
  • Coordination among national authorities: promotes networks such as the consumer protection cooperation network to facilitate cross-border enforcement of rules against unfair practices.
  • Guidance and interpretation: issues guidelines and interpretative communications on the scope of prohibitions and interaction with other rules (competition, contracts, e-commerce).
  • Evaluation and review: periodically assesses the directive's effectiveness, proposes adjustments or reforms if new forms of unfair practices arise or if harmonization is insufficient or excessive.

In sum, the European Commission concentrates legislative initiative, technical design, and political defense of directives on unfair commercial practices, and subsequently oversees their correct application and evolution. Parliament and Council are the formal co-legislators, but the impetus, technical coherence, and compliance control of this regulatory framework largely rest on the Commission's own competencies and functions.

What national or European regulations currently govern influencer activity and how does it vary among EU Member States?

Currently, there is no single European law on influencers: common rules on advertising, consumer protection, audiovisual services, and platforms combine with national obligations. The main difference between Member States lies in whether they have specific legislation, like France, or apply general rules and audiovisual regimes for certain creators, like Spain.

1. Common framework of the European Union

According to the European Parliament analysis, four instruments stand out:

  • Directive 2005/29/EC on unfair commercial practices: prohibits covert advertising and misleading information or omissions. A remunerated collaboration, also through products or benefits, must be identified as commercial.
  • Directive 2010/13/EU, amended by Directive 2018/1808: establishes audiovisual rules on advertising and protection of minors. Certain influencers may be considered audiovisual service providers if they meet applicable criteria.
  • Digital Services Act —DSA—: mainly imposes advertising transparency and minor protection obligations on platforms; it does not replace the responsibilities of the advertiser or creator.
  • General Data Protection Regulation: applies when the activity involves processing personal data, profiling, or segmentation.

Intellectual property rules and sectoral restrictions on medicines, tobacco, alcohol, gambling, and financial services also operate. The EUIPO and the Commission remind that copyrights, trademarks, and designs must be respected.

2. Spain: general and audiovisual obligations

Any commercial influencer must comply with Law 3/1991 on Unfair Competition, the General Advertising Law 34/1988, the consolidated consumer text, and the Electronic Commerce Law 34/2002. The latter requires identifying commercial communications.

Additionally, the Audiovisual Law 13/2022 and Royal Decree 444/2024 regulate users of special relevance, subject to CNMC supervision and additional obligations on advertising and minors. Not reaching that category does not exempt from general rules.

The 2025 Code of Conduct, promoted by AEA, IAB Spain, and Autocontrol and in force since October 2025, complements legislation through self-regulation: it is not a law.

3. Differences among Member States
  • France: Law 2023-451, of June 9, specifically regulates commercial influence. It includes advertising identification, sectoral restrictions, retouched or artificial images, and contractual obligations. Since 2026, it requires a written contract when remuneration and benefits jointly exceed 1,000 euros before taxes.
  • Italy: combines the Consumer Code, Legislative Decree 145/2007, and IAP self-regulation. AGCOM added guidelines and a code in July 2025 for certain high-reach influencers.
  • Germany: applies the Unfair Competition Act —UWG— and media regulation —Medienstaatsvertrag—. The commercial relationship and context determine when advertising must be identified.
  • Netherlands, Belgium, and Ireland: combine consumer legislation, administrative guidelines, and advertising codes. Sweden and Denmark especially rely on their marketing laws and consumer authorities. This European comparison explains the different approaches.
4. Practical consequence

The shared obligation is not to disguise advertising as spontaneous recommendation. Subjects under audiovisual supervision, product restrictions, contracts, and sanctions vary. For cross-border campaigns, it is important to determine the applicable legislation, not just where the followers are. The European Parliament's requests for a common European code are political initiatives, not a specific directive already in force.

Play

Test your knowledge with FREN!

How much do you know about this topic? Answer the following 3 questions.

What is one of the main objectives of the upcoming Digital Equity Law promoted by the European Socialists?

Question 1 of 3

What measure do the European Socialists propose to combat the rising prices of tickets to cultural events?

Question 2 of 3

What obligation do they want to establish regarding influencers according to the new proposed regulation?

Question 3 of 3