The technological heart of Europe will measure the continent’s digital ambition

The Heads of State and Government of the Twenty-Seven will address for the first time at a European summit the challenges of Artificial Intelligence, the reduction of technological dependencies, and the strengthening of their own capabilities, in a city that hosts the Community headquarters of the main American digital giants

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In recent years, Ireland has become the European birthplace of some of the largest technology companies in the world. A combination of tax incentives, language, skilled labor, and direct access to the Community market has placed Dublin on the global digital map. Meta, Google, Apple, Microsoft, TikTok, and X have found in the island a privileged gateway to Europe. Now, the city that hosts their main Community headquarters will also be the setting in which the Twenty-Seven will try to define what role the European Union wants to play in the next stage of the technological revolution.

Next week, the heads of State and Government will travel there to address for the first time in a leaders’ summit the challenges posed by the advance of Artificial Intelligence (AI) for the continent. The chosen location is not accidental. A few meters from the European offices of the digital giants, the leaders will discuss how to reduce technological dependencies, strengthen their own industrial capabilities, and prevent the development of the most advanced model from being left in the hands of a small group of global actors.

Diplomatic sources warn that the most advanced AI models "are reaching unprecedented capabilities". The challenge now is to prevent the market power of "a limited number of global actors" from ultimately undermining European autonomy. "Europe needs to define its position in this global race: what technological capabilities must be developed in Europe and what instruments are necessary to reduce the dependencies," they explain at the Schuman roundabout.

European Council
European Council -

The President of the European Council, António Costa, wants the leaders to take advantage of the occasion to redefine the Community digital offensive. In a letter sent to his counterparts this very week, the Portuguese considers it "necessary" to hold a "first specific debate at the level of leaders on the opportunities offered by AI, as well as on its transformative effect on our economies and societies".

The choice of Dublin adds a political dimension to a conversation that, until now, had been more closely tied to legislative files and debates on competitiveness. The EU wants to be a relevant actor in the development of these technologies, but it does so from a continent in which much of the infrastructure, capital, and the main providers of digital services depend on American companies.

The Irish dilemma: attracting tech companies and supervising their activity

The paradox of holding this conversation in Ireland is difficult to overlook. The country has built a reputation for "looser" regulation, linked to the "historical slowness and moderation of its data protection authority," as explained by a diplomat in Brussels. Between pubs, pints of Guinness, and large business complexes, digital giants have found an especially favorable environment in which to set up their European operations. But behind that appeal there is also a particular feature of the Community regulatory system.

The key lies in the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) and its "one-stop shop" mechanism. When a company establishes in Ireland its main European headquarters, the Data Protection Commission (DPC), as a rule, becomes the lead authority responsible for investigating cross-border complaints related to the processing of personal data. Its decisions can have consequences for the activity of these platforms across the entire European Union.

In this way, Dublin has ended up de facto serving as one of the main European supervisors for some of the largest technology companies on the planet. A position that has placed its data protection authority under considerable pressure and that has fueled criticism from other national regulators.

The President of the United States, Donald Trump, shakes hands with Irish prime minister Micheal Martin, during his visit to Dublin. Ben Birchall/PA Wire/dpa
The President of the United States, Donald Trump, shakes hands with Irish prime minister Micheal Martin, during his visit to Dublin. Ben Birchall/PA Wire/dpa -

There is some consensus in the community capital when pointing out that the DPC has taken too long to resolve certain cases, has tended to "prefer friendly resolutions," and has imposed penalties lower than those demanded by some of its European counterparts. The criticism is not limited to processing times: it also affects the effective supervisory capacity of an authority that must oversee companies with enormous legal, financial, and technological resources.

From within the community institutions they recall that both the GDPR and the rules on digital services and competition are mandatory to comply with in all Member States, including Ireland. The legal framework is common and does not provide for territorial exceptions for companies that establish their headquarters there. However, the difference lies in "how and how quickly" these regulations are applied.

Brussels fears that Ireland's economic dependence, with regard to employment, investment, and tax revenues generated by the big tech firms, may have fueled incentives for less aggressive supervision. Experts from the United Nations and organizations dedicated to the defense of digital rights have publicly expressed their concerns about shortcomings in control within the DPC and the barriers that exist to pushing for collective lawsuits.

To this is added Ireland's tax policy, which for decades has maintained a corporate tax rate that is especially competitive and has favored the arrival of international business structures that allowed significant benefits of multinationals to be concentrated in the country. A strategy that has contributed to transforming the Irish economy, but that has also placed the Dublin Government in a delicate position when it comes to supervising some of the companies on which much of its prosperity depends.

The problem of the 1%: when paying a fine becomes profitable

The debate about the ability of European authorities to enforce their own rules is not limited to the Irish case. In a conversation with DEMÓCRATA, Leonardo Cervera, the Secretary General of the European Data Protection Supervisor, explained that one of the main problems of Community regulation lies with certain actors, especially the large technology platforms. "They have so much power and so many resources that they can afford to take the risk that, at a certain moment, it will be more profitable for them to pay a fine than to fully comply with the regulations," he said.

The assessment points to one of the contradictions of European regulatory policy. The Union has, over the past few years, developed an ambitious legislative framework to regulate the digital market, from data protection to the platforms’ obligations and the control of large intermediaries. However, the existence of demanding rules does not, by itself, guarantee their enforcement when the affected operators have sufficient resources to extend the procedures or assume the economic cost of penalties.

Cervera argues that, for 99% of operators, the system established by legislation works. Now, it opens the door to reflecting, as a democracy, on how to ensure that that 1%, especially in the field of large Artificial Intelligence companies, also complies with the obligations set by the legislator.

For these actors, he warned, "ordinary mechanisms may not be enough". A reflection that connects directly with the debate that European leaders want to open in Dublin: how to ensure that the EU’s regulatory capacity is accompanied by effective instruments for supervision and enforcement.

European Council
European Council -

The issue takes on an additional dimension with the expansion of generative AI and the development of increasingly sophisticated models. The concentration of technological capabilities in a small number of companies not only raises competition problems, but also questions about security, the protection of fundamental rights, and the European capacity to maintain control over infrastructures considered strategic.

Mistral and Hinton, two perspectives for defining European autonomy

To feed that discussion, Costa has invited to the meeting the chief executive officer of Mistral AI, Arthur Mensch. The presence of the French executive will make it possible to address "Europe's position in the global AI landscape", as well as the "strategic" challenges the continent faces in order to strengthen its competitiveness.

The office of the president of the European Council expects that the exchange will focus on reducing critical dependencies and strengthening European capabilities. The conversation will also put on the table the development of the infrastructure needed to sustain an indigenous industry, from computing capacity to data centers and the energy resources required for the training and operation of the models.

At this point, European leaders want to link technological autonomy to the availability of "affordable clean energy and large-scale public and private investment". It is not enough to develop European models if the continent lacks the necessary infrastructure to compete with the main international players. The bet, therefore, requires mobilizing capital, guaranteeing energy supply, and creating conditions that allow European tech companies to scale.

The agenda will also set aside space for an exchange with Geoffrey Hinton, Nobel Prize winner in Physics and one of the fundamental figures in the development of modern neural networks. His intervention will make it possible to shift the focus from industrial competitiveness to the social consequences of these technologies.

The presidents of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, and of the European Council, António Costa, in a file photo. Benoit Doppagne / Zuma Press / Europa Press / Cont
The presidents of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, and of the European Council, António Costa, in a file photo. Benoit Doppagne / Zuma Press / Europa Press / Cont -

The leaders will analyze the impact of AI on European societies and the implications that its development has for security and trust. "It will also be analyzed how Europe can contribute to international cooperation and governance on advanced AI security", Costa says in his letter.

The objective is that the debate not be confined to the race to develop its own models. The EU also wants to discuss what safeguards must accompany the expansion of these tools and what role it can play in building international standards. A particularly relevant issue in light of the difficulty of establishing global governance mechanisms in a sector whose technological evolution is moving at a faster pace than political consensus.

The Digital Equity Act, legislative prelude to the summit

The leaders’ conversation will also be preceded by a legislative move by the European Commission. Just a day before discussions begin in Dublin, the Community Executive will unveil the details of its new Digital Equity Act (Digital Fairness Act), the latest piece of its strategy to strengthen consumer protection in the digital environment.

The proposal aims to intervene in some of the commercial and design practices that condition users’ experience on platforms. Among the measures expected are restrictions on the so-called "dark patterns" (dark patterns), design mechanisms that can guide or manipulate consumers’ decisions through interfaces, default settings, or deliberately complex contracting processes.

The initiative adds to the set of rules with which Brussels has sought to establish specific obligations for digital operators and strengthen consumers’ position against the large platforms. Its presentation will allow the officials to arrive in Ireland with a new case file on the table and an additional example of the Commission’s regulatory will.

Dublin will, in short, be something more than the setting for a new discussion on Artificial Intelligence. In the city that has become one of the main operations centers for American tech companies in Europe, the Twenty-Seven will have to address a contradiction that accompanies the entire EU digital strategy: the Union wants to compete with the tech giants, but it also needs to reduce the dependence it maintains on them and ensure that those operating in its market comply with the rules it has approved itself.

More key points, information and questions with FREN

AI-GENERATED CONTENT

What is the legislative process that the European Union must follow to approve new regulations on Artificial Intelligence?

To approve new regulations on Artificial Intelligence (AI), the European Union uses, in the vast majority of cases, the ordinary legislative procedure, which is applied to most internal market policies and digital regulation. It is the same framework followed, for example, by the AI Act.

1. Preliminary phase: from idea to Commission proposal

Everything starts at the European Commission, which has the almost exclusive right of legislative initiative. Before presenting a formal proposal, it usually carries out:

  • Roadmaps and public consultations: documents where it explains the problem (AI risks, regulatory gaps, economic impact) and requests contributions from companies, NGOs, experts, national authorities, and citizens.
  • Impact assessments: technical and economic studies to evaluate costs, benefits, and regulatory alternatives (self-regulation, codes of conduct, binding regulation, etc.).
  • Internal coordination: several Directorates-General participate (for example, Internal Market, Competition, Justice, Digital) to ensure coherence with other digital rules.

Based on this, the Commission drafts a regulation or directive proposal on AI and formally adopts it in the College of Commissioners. From there, it becomes an official legislative proposal and is sent to the European Parliament and the Council.

2. Processing in the European Parliament

The proposal enters the European Parliament, which directly represents the citizens. The key steps are:

  • Assignment to competent committee: usually a committee such as Internal Market, Industry, or Civil Liberties becomes the main committee, and others may issue opinions.
  • Rapporteur and shadow rapporteurs: each political group appoints responsible persons who negotiate the text on behalf of their groups.
  • Amendments: MEPs and groups submit changes to the articles (for example, on risk categories, obligations for developers, or bans on certain AI uses).
  • Committee vote: a consolidated text is approved, which becomes the Parliament's position in first reading.
  • Plenary vote: all MEPs vote on the text; if approved, it is sent to the Council.

3. Processing in the Council of the EU

In parallel or afterwards, the text is discussed in the Council of the European Union, where the ministers of the Member States sit:

  • First, work is done at the technical level (working groups of national officials specialized in digital/AI).
  • Then it is elevated to the ambassadors (Coreper), who refine political positions.
  • Finally, the competent Council formation (for example, Industry or Digital ministers) adopts a Council position, usually by qualified majority.

The result is the so-called “Council position in first reading,” which is compared with that of the Parliament.

4. Trilogues and final agreement

Since it is common for Parliament and Council to disagree on key aspects (definition of high risk, sanctions, supervision, etc.), a phase of informal negotiations called trilogues is opened, involving:

  • Delegation from Parliament (rapporteur and shadow rapporteurs).
  • Rotating Presidency of the Council and representatives of the States.
  • European Commission, acting as mediator and technical advisor.

The goal is to agree on a single compromise text. If they succeed, that agreement formally returns to the Parliament Plenary and the Council for final approval. If no agreement is reached, a more formal second reading and even a conciliation committee may follow, although in practice most AI rules are finalized in trilogue.

5. Adoption, publication, and entry into force

Once Parliament and Council approve the same text:

  • The rule is signed by the presidents of both institutions.
  • It is published in the Official Journal of the European Union (OJEU).
  • Entry into force: usually 20 days after publication, unless the text provides otherwise.

If it is a regulation (like the AI Act), it becomes directly applicable, often with transitional periods for companies and administrations to adapt. If it is a directive, Member States must transpose it into their national law within a set deadline through their own legislation.

6. Technical development: delegated and implementing acts

In technical fields like AI, the base legislation is usually complemented by:

  • Delegated acts: the Commission can update technical annexes (for example, lists of high-risk systems) within limits set by law.
  • Implementing acts: detail how to apply certain practical obligations, after consulting expert committees from Member States.

This allows adapting AI regulation to technological evolution without reopening the entire legislative process each time.

What are the powers and functions of the Data Protection Commission (DPC) of Ireland under the GDPR?

The Data Protection Commission (DPC) is Ireland's independent authority responsible for supervising and enforcing the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR). Its functions combine prevention, advice, investigation, and sanction. Additionally, it can act as the lead authority in cross-border processing when the company's main establishment in the European Union is in Ireland, within the European competence allocation.

1. Supervising compliance and protecting rights

The general framework for supervisory authorities is found in Articles 51 to 59 of the GDPR. Within this framework, the DPC ensures that personal data processing under its competence complies with the Regulation's obligations, both in the public and private sectors.

Its main functions include:

  • Promoting awareness of risks, safeguards, and rights related to data processing.
  • Informing controllers and processors about their obligations.
  • Advising Parliament, Government, and other Irish institutions on legislative and administrative measures related to data protection.
  • Publishing guidance to facilitate compliance, according to its institutional mission.

2. Handling complaints and investigating

The DPC receives complaints from individuals who believe their data processing violates the GDPR. It examines the facts, may request information, and must communicate the outcome of its actions to the complainant. It can also initiate investigations ex officio, without a prior complaint.

Its investigations may address the lawfulness of processing, respect for individuals' rights, security, international transfers, or compliance with specific obligations. It also receives and analyzes notifications of security breaches: controllers must notify them, in principle, within 72 hours of becoming aware when they may pose a risk to rights and freedoms.

3. Exercising investigative powers

Article 58.1 allows the DPC to order the provision of information, conduct audits, obtain access to personal data and information necessary for its functions, and access premises and equipment within legal limits. These powers enable verifying actual compliance, not only the policies declared by an organization.

4. Ordering corrections and imposing fines

According to Article 58.2, the DPC can adopt measures tailored to the infringement:

  • Issue warnings and reprimands.
  • Order that requests to exercise rights be addressed or that processing complies with the GDPR.
  • Require rectification, erasure, or restriction of data.
  • Temporarily limit or prohibit processing and suspend international transfers.
  • Impose administrative fines, in addition to other corrective measures.

Depending on the infringement, fines can reach 20 million euros or 4% of the total worldwide annual turnover of the previous financial year, whichever is higher. They must be effective, proportionate, and dissuasive. An example of exercising these powers is the decision on Meta from September 2024.

5. Cooperating on cross-border matters

Through the one-stop-shop, the DPC can lead procedures related to cross-border processing by companies whose main European establishment is in Ireland. It does not decide alone: Article 60 requires cooperation with authorities of other affected States, which may raise objections.

Disagreements can be submitted to the European Data Protection Board. Therefore, being the lead authority does not mean having exclusive competence over all activities of a multinational; this is illustrated by the procedure concerning Microsoft.

Finally, the DPC must respect procedural guarantees and its decisions are subject to judicial review. Its competences over electronic privacy and police processing derive from other legal regimes and must be distinguished from those granted by the GDPR.

What is António Costa's professional and political background before presiding over the European Council?

António Costa came to the presidency of the European Council with a background combining legal practice, parliamentary responsibilities, several ministries, the mayorship of Lisbon, and more than eight years as Prime Minister of Portugal. A member of the Portuguese Socialist Party (PS), he had worked at municipal, national, and European levels before assuming the presidency of the institution on December 1, 2024.

Legal education and early steps

Born in Lisbon on July 17, 1961, Costa graduated in Law from the University of Lisbon and completed a postgraduate degree in European Studies at the Portuguese Catholic University. During his university years, he participated in student organization and faculty publications. He practiced law between 1985 and 1995 and resumed that activity between 2002 and 2004, according to his official biography.

His institutional career began locally: he was a member of the Lisbon Municipal Assembly between 1982 and 1993 and a councilor of Loures between 1993 and 1995. Since 1987 he was part of the PS leadership. In 1991 he entered the Assembly of the Republic, starting a national trajectory that would alternate with executive responsibilities.

From Parliament to the Portuguese Government

In António Guterres' governments, he successively held three positions:

  • 1995-1997: Secretary of State for Parliamentary Affairs.
  • 1997-1999: Minister of Parliamentary Affairs.
  • 1999-2002: Minister of Justice.

After this first government stage, he chaired the Socialist parliamentary group between 2002 and 2004. His path thus gathered experience in government-parliament relations, ministry leadership, and parliamentary coordination.

European experience and return to Lisbon

Between 2004 and 2005 he was a Member of the European Parliament and Vice-President of the European Parliament. This was his first European institutional responsibility, almost two decades before his election to lead the European Council.

In 2005 he returned to the Portuguese Executive as Minister of State and Internal Administration in José Sócrates' government, a portfolio generally equivalent to Interior. He left it in 2007 to run in Lisbon municipal elections.

He was Mayor of Lisbon between 2007 and 2015 and obtained an absolute majority in the 2009 municipal elections. Between 2013 and 2015 he also chaired the Lisbon Metropolitan Council. This stage extended his local management experience before accessing the national government leadership.

Socialist leadership and tenure as Prime Minister

In 2014 he became Secretary-General of the PS. Although his party came second in the 2015 legislative elections, he reached parliamentary agreements with the Left Bloc and the Portuguese Communist Party that allowed him to become Prime Minister.

His tenure at the head of government spanned three legislatures: in 2019 he won elections without an absolute majority and in 2022 he achieved that majority. These milestones are recorded in the Demócrata profile published on the occasion of his European appointment.

In November 2023 he resigned as Prime Minister amid a judicial investigation in Portugal; this circumstance should not be confused with a declaration of guilt. He formally left the PS secretary-generalship in January 2024 and his government tenure ended in 2024.

The move to the European Council

The leaders of the 27 Member States elected him President of the European Council on June 27, 2024. He succeeded Charles Michel on December 1. His arrival culminated a career through law, two parliaments, several ministries, municipal management, and the leadership of the Portuguese government.

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