United States confirms the withdrawal in NATO and entrusts the future of the Alliance to the "arsenal of freedom"

The U.S. Secretary of Defense, Pete Hegseth, confirms in Brussels the refoundation of the Alliance towards a hard line and warns that Washington will "frankly" monitor Europe's assumption of the continent's conventional defense.

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What until a few months ago was negotiated in discreet drafts and diplomatic corridors is now official and public doctrine. The Atlantic Alliance has finally accepted that the era in which Washington automatically covered any strategic deficiency on the continent is coming to an end. Upon his arrival today at the NATO Defense Ministers meeting in Brussels, US Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth has given a name and surname to the new scenario: "NATO 3.0". A post-Cold War refoundation intended to return the organization to its nature as a "hardline military alliance" where Europeans, once and for all, assume leadership of their own conventional defense.

Hegseth's message arrives barely twenty-four hours after this newspaper revealed the contingency plans Brussels is working on for the day the United States executes a partial withdrawal of its capabilities in the Old Continent. Far from easing tensions, the Pentagon chief has confirmed the background music: Washington is committed, but demands immediate reciprocity.

The Price of Security: A 20% Increase That Isn't Enough

NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte tried to temper the atmosphere upon the arrival of the American delegation, thanking Hegseth for his "leadership" and highlighting the economic effort already being made by European capitals and Canada. A financial boost that will translate into more than 90 billion additional dollars in 2025, representing an increase of nearly 20% in the allied military budget outside US borders.

However, for Donald Trump's administration, this milestone is just the floor, not the ceiling. Hegseth was crystal clear about it:

"The expectation is that Europeans at least match what the US has spent. And they have to do it not just because we are asking, but because we have to stay safe," Hegseth assured.

The secretary warned that, although many countries are meeting the capability targets set at the Hague summit, Washington will maintain an uncompromising stance with laggards. "We will be frank about it, both in private and in public. It's important: friends are honest with friends," he launched as a warning to the ministers sitting at the table today.

The Industrial Race Against the Russia-China Bloc

One of the most critical points of the day is the factory production gap. As Demócrata already reported, the European defense industry continues to show serious bottlenecks to be fully self-sufficient. Hegseth has framed this urgency in an aggressive global competition against Moscow and Beijing.

  • Large-scale production: The U.S. demands the full opening of the defense industrial base on both sides of the Atlantic.

  • The challenge: "We have to do better than China, Russia, and others, who are right now rapidly expanding their defense industry production," said the U.S. secretary.

To demonstrate that the White House practices what it preaches, Hegseth boasted about American figures: a projected investment of 1.5 trillion dollars for Fiscal Year 2027. A multi-billion dollar deployment that the secretary himself will defend in Congress in the coming weeks and which will define the "arsenal of freedom" with which the U.S. will prioritize its interests, leaving NATO support as a safety net, but not as a permanent crutch.

The intelligence "hole" and the Spanish contingency plan

The real challenge of this transition towards "NATO 3.0" lies not only in adding battalions or buying ammunition —where the bet on Made in Europe and partners like South Korea is beginning to gain traction—. Diplomatic sources had already warned this outlet that the real strategic "hole" lies in military intelligence, satellite surveillance, and electronic warfare, areas where European dependence on the Pentagon is almost absolute and whose alternative requires decades of technological investment.

To this are added the suspicions recently expressed by Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who questioned the Alliance's reciprocity if some European partners "deny the use of bases in contingency situations."

Given this withdrawal of tangible capabilities —which will predictably affect American air and submarine assets on the continent—, countries like Spain are already making moves to avoid losing weight in the new power distribution. The environment of the Minister of Defense, Margarita Robles, has already designed preliminary drafts with national contributions to try to cover the gaps left by the Pentagon.

The meeting today in Brussels, therefore, becomes another key session. The technical working groups are accelerating against the clock with a fixed objective: to ensure that Europe arrives with an advanced military sovereignty roadmap before the big leaders' summit in July in Ankara, the place where "NATO 3.0" will receive its definitive baptism of fire.

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What is the parliamentary procedure in Spain to authorize the use of military bases by foreign allies in international operations?

Parliamentary procedure to authorize the use of military bases by foreign allies

Parliamentary procedure to authorize the use of Spanish military bases by foreign allies

Parliamentary authorization for the use of Spanish military bases by foreign allies in international operations falls within the general framework of Spain's participation in missions abroad. Its basis lies in the 1978 Constitution and, more precisely, in the National Defense Law, which requires the intervention of the Cortes when Spanish forces are employed or military means and spaces of national sovereignty are committed. Authorization is, as a rule, prior and corresponds to the Congress of Deputies, at the Government's proposal, without requiring a reinforced majority, but a simple majority in the Plenary. When these operations take place within the framework of NATO, the EU, or other international organizations, the same scheme is followed, albeit with intense political coordination and an already consolidated parliamentary practice.

Constitutional and legal basis

At the constitutional level, the key is the distribution of powers between the King, the Government, and the Cortes Generales in matters of defense and international relations. The Government directs defense policy and foreign relations, but democratic control corresponds to the Cortes. From this balance derives that agreements involving foreign military presence on Spanish territory or the use of strategic military infrastructure must have parliamentary backing, as they affect sovereignty, national security, and often political-military international commitments.

The National Defense Law develops this framework and establishes the obligation to submit to the Cortes relevant decisions on the use of the Armed Forces and on international defense commitments. Although the legal text expressly focuses on the participation of Spanish military units abroad, in practice the use of bases and military facilities by allies for international operations is equated to a defense commitment with significant external effects, which has led to consolidating stable parliamentary intervention.

Role of the Government and timing of authorization

The procedure always begins within the Executive Branch. The Government negotiates bilaterally (for example, with the United States) or multilaterally (NATO, EU, ad hoc coalitions) the conditions of the operation and the possible use of Spanish bases and facilities. Once a sufficiently defined political and operational framework exists, the Executive prepares a formal authorization proposal, describing the operation's objective, the international legal basis, the countries involved, the facilities to be used, the expected duration, and the type of activities to be carried out (transit, refueling, command and control, permanent or temporary deployment, etc.).

The general rule is that this authorization is requested prior to the start of operations, so that the Congress can pronounce before the Spanish military facilities are de facto committed. However, the very logic of defense and crisis management admits that, in situations of special urgency or rapid response, the Government may act immediately and subsequently submit its decision to parliamentary control, in the form of ex post authorization or political validation of the decision already made.

Competent parliamentary bodies

The central chamber in this procedure is the Congress of Deputies. The Government sends its request to the Congress Board, which qualifies it and usually refers it to the Defense Committee for prior study. In this committee, appearances by the Minister of Defense or Foreign Affairs may be held to explain the scope of the agreement and answer parliamentary group questions, although the decisive pronouncement is usually reserved for the Congress Plenary.

The Congress Plenary debates the authorization based on a draft agreement proposed by the Government. After the debate, in which parliamentary groups intervene to set positions, it is put to a vote. A qualified majority is not required: a simple majority of the deputies present is sufficient, unless the commitment is part of a treaty or international agreement of another nature requiring a specific procedure. The Senate, as a rule, does not adopt a binding decision in this matter, although it may hold debates and political control motions.

Type of authorization and parliamentary follow-up

The typical content of parliamentary authorization includes identifying the international operation, listing the Spanish bases and facilities that may be used, operational limitations (types of missions, classes of armament, rules for airspace or port use, etc.), and the maximum duration of the permit. Periodic reporting obligations to Congress are also often established, so that the Government must submit follow-up reports or appear at the request of groups to explain the operation's progress.

Politically, control does not end with the initial vote. Throughout the operation, the Defense Committee and, where appropriate, the Foreign Affairs Committee may summon the Government to assess the impact of activities carried out from Spanish bases, possible incidents, changes in international mandate, or potential extensions. If the operation's duration or mandate changes substantially, parliamentary practice requires the Executive to return to Congress to request new authorization or extension of the current one.

Operations within NATO, the EU, or international organizations

When the use of bases is part of NATO operations, the EU Common Security and Defense Policy, or other international organizations, the internal legal framework does not essentially change. The Government starts from commitments acquired within these organizations and the mandate framework approved internationally but must submit that decision to the Cortes for endorsement. The Congress examines both the adequacy to Spain's commitments and the proportionality and national interest of allowing the use of its territory and military infrastructure.

This arrangement allows combining the operational agility required by allied commitments with the democratic principle of parliamentary control over defense and security decisions. The result is a procedure where the Government maintains strategic initiative and international negotiation, while the Congress ensures the internal political legitimacy of any authorization for allied forces to use Spanish military bases in international operations.

What powers does the Spanish Minister of Defense have regarding the management of shared military bases?

Powers of the Minister of Defense in shared military bases

Powers of the Minister of Defense in shared military bases in Spain

The Minister of Defense plays a central role in the political, strategic, and administrative management of shared military bases in Spain, but does not act in isolation nor with absolute discretionary power. Her powers operate on three levels: directing defense policy and the use of military territory and facilities, liaising with allies (especially NATO and the United States), and internal management of the Armed Forces and the deployment of foreign troops. However, key decisions about the presence of forces from other countries, international agreements, or substantive changes in the status of bases require the participation of the Prime Minister, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and, in many cases, Parliament.

General framework of the Ministry of Defense's powers

The Minister directs the Ministry of Defense, which is responsible for executing defense policy, preparing and employing the Armed Forces, and managing military assets. Within this general framework, her powers extend to:

1. Direction and planning of defense policy: the Minister specifies, together with the Defense Staff, the military planning derived from Government guidelines. This includes deciding which bases, barracks, or facilities are prioritized for national and allied operations, and the degree of participation in joint exercises or NATO missions.

2. Administration of military infrastructure and assets: the Ministry of Defense owns most bases and barracks. The Minister, through her management bodies, handles usage transfers, logistical cooperation agreements, and the integration of allied forces within the network of Spanish military infrastructures, always in accordance with regulations and international treaties signed by Spain.

Relationship with allies and shared bases

In the case of shared bases (for example, those jointly used by Spain and other allied countries), the Minister acts as a political and technical interlocutor:

1. Technical negotiation and execution of agreements: major agreements on the presence of foreign forces are structured through treaties and international agreements (for example, with the United States or within NATO), whose signing corresponds to the Government and which, in certain cases, must be authorized by the Cortes Generales. The Minister does not sign international treaties alone but negotiates and specifies with her counterparts the military, logistical, and operational aspects, and is responsible for their practical implementation within Spanish territory.

2. Definition of usage conditions: within the margins set by those treaties and the Council of Ministers, the Minister can agree with allies on issues such as: hosted capabilities (types of units, number of personnel), command and control levels, distribution of logistical costs, internal base security, or emergency protocols. These details are usually formalized through implementation agreements, memoranda, or operation plans that the Ministry of Defense prepares or approves.

3. Coordination with Foreign Affairs and the Presidency: when a shared base has foreign policy or regional security implications (for example, increased allied deployment, arrival of new weapons systems, or mission changes), the Minister must coordinate with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Prime Minister's Office. The political decision on "how far" to go in a shared base is not only military but also foreign policy and alliance-related.

Control over deployments and operations

The Minister of Defense also has powers over how allied activity is integrated into the Spanish defense system:

1. Operational authorization and rules of engagement: although the presence of foreign forces is set by treaty, the way they operate from Spanish territory (use of airspace, access to firing ranges, coordination with Spanish command systems) is largely defined by orders and directives issued by the Ministry of Defense, under the authority of the Minister and the Chief of the Defense Staff.

2. Protection of Spanish sovereignty and legality: the Minister must ensure that all activity in shared bases respects Spanish law (even when specific regimes exist for foreign forces, such as status of forces agreements). This includes coordination with the Interior, Justice, or other ministries on issues such as perimeter security, incident investigation, or the legal regime of foreign personnel.

Limits and parliamentary control

Although the Minister has a significant margin of political direction and management, she is subject to several checks and balances:

1. Decisions of the Council of Ministers: the opening, closing, or substantial modification of the use of a shared base, or a notable increase in foreign forces, usually requires agreements of the Council of Ministers, of which the Minister is a proponent but not the sole decision-maker.

2. Control by the Cortes Generales: the Congress and the Senate can request explanations about the situation of shared bases, debate the presence of foreign forces, and, in some cases, authorize or pronounce on treaties or relevant modifications. The Minister must appear at the request of the Chambers and is politically subject to their control.

3. Integration into international commitments: Spain's membership in NATO and the EU conditions the Ministry of Defense's room for maneuver. The Minister must adapt the management of shared bases to the collective decisions of the Alliance and the European security and defense policy, without being able to unilaterally detach from those frameworks.

What results did the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) obtain in the last general elections?

Results of the PSOE in the last general elections

In the last general elections held in Spain on July 23, 2023, the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) obtained 121 seats in the Congress of Deputies and 31.7 % of the valid votes cast. These results consolidated the PSOE as one of the two major forces in the Spanish political system, although they were not enough to surpass the Popular Party in seats. Compared to the previous general elections in November 2019, the PSOE slightly improved both in parliamentary representation and vote percentage. The advance was modest but sufficient to show some electoral resilience in a highly polarized political context.

Basic data of the PSOE results in 2023

According to the official data from the July 23, 2023 general elections count, the PSOE achieved:

Election date: July 23, 2023.
Seats obtained: 121 deputies in the Congress.
Vote percentage in the Congress: 31.7 % of the votes cast nationwide.

This information can be consulted in the official summary of election night results available at RTVE – 2023 General Election Results, which includes the distribution of seats and percentages by party and constituency. Other aggregators and statistical databases, such as EPData – 23J General Elections and the historical compilation at Annex: Results of the General Elections of Spain, coincide on these figures.

Comparison with the 2019 general elections

To better understand the meaning of the 2023 results, it is key to compare them with the previous general election, held in November 2019. Then, the PSOE was also the most voted force, with slightly less support than in 2023:

November 2019 general elections (PSOE):
Seats: 120 deputies.
Vote percentage: approximately 28.0 %.

Thus, between 2019 and 2023 the PSOE:

– Gained 1 seat (from 120 to 121).
– Increased its vote percentage by about 3.7 points (from 28.0 % to 31.7 %).

These data are systematized in the historical general results collected by the Ministry of the Interior on its electoral information portal, accessible through Infoelectoral – Electoral Results, as well as in comparative series such as those at HistoriaElectoral.com. Likewise, media outlets like El País – General Elections show charts illustrating this slight socialist improvement between both calls.

Political significance of the result

The fact that the PSOE increased both its vote percentage and number of seats compared to 2019 indicates that, despite the wear of the coalition legislature and high polarization, the party maintained a solid electoral base and was able to mobilize additional support. The 31.7 % vote clearly placed it above the 30 % threshold, a benchmark in the Spanish political system that usually marks the difference between clear leadership of the left bloc and a weaker presence.

However, the design of the electoral system and the performance of other forces conditioned the practical impact of these results. Although the PSOE improved compared to itself in 2019, its ability to translate votes into institutional power depended, as usual in Spain, on post-electoral alliances and overall parliamentary arithmetic. Detailed analysis by provinces and blocs (left/right, nationalist/statewide, etc.) on specialized portals like EPData shows that small vote shifts can significantly alter seat distribution in medium and small constituencies.

In summary, the PSOE emerged from the July 2023 general elections with 121 seats and 31.7 % of the votes, slightly improving its 2019 quantitative results but facing a fragmented political scenario where governability depended on complex agreements with other formations. The reading of this result thus combines elements of the party's electoral resilience and structural difficulty in transforming that improvement into a clear position of dominance in the Congress.

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