The BSW opens the door to AfD after their victory in the elections: 'It would be undemocratic to exclude them from the Government'

The electoral night of Saxony-Anhalt has left a political movement with a direct impact on governability: the main candidate of the BSW, Claudia Wittig, has stated that it would be "completely undemocratic" to exclude AfD from the Government if around 44% of voters have supported it. The reaction clashes with the sanitary cordon defended by other parties and comes when AfD clearly wins, but without an absolute majority in the first projections.

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The great political novelty of the night is not only in the result of AfD, but in what begins to move around it. The main candidate of the BSW in Saxony-Anhalt, Claudia Wittig, has opened the door for Ulrich Siegmund's party to have some kind of participation in power after its electoral victory.

"If 44% of voters have chosen AfD, then, in my opinion, it would be completely undemocratic not to involve it in some way in the Government," Wittig stated in a television intervention reported by several German media. The leader of the BSW also expressed openness to studying support or agreements on specific initiatives on a case-by-case basis.

A relevant change in the midst of the battle for the Government

The statement has immediate relevance because AfD wins the elections in Saxony-Anhalt with around 44%-44.5% in the first projections, but falls short of an absolute majority. In that scenario, any party that enters the Landtag and agrees to facilitate parliamentary decisions can completely alter the reading of the night.

The BSW appears precisely in the decisive zone. Some projections place it at 5% and others slightly below. That threshold not only decides whether it enters Parliament, but also how much real margin AfD will have to aspire to govern or to condition the legislature.

So far, the sanitary cordon against AfD was one of the central elements of the German political landscape. Wittig's statement does not equate to announcing a coalition, but it does break the absolute closure that other parties have been defending and grants political legitimacy to the idea that a winning force with that level of support cannot be completely sidelined.

What exactly has the BSW said

Wittig's phrase must be read precisely. The BSW candidate has not confirmed a government pact nor announced that she will vote in favor of Ulrich Siegmund as minister president.

What she does assert is that excluding AfD outright despite its level of support would be "completely undemocratic." That position aligns with previous statements from the environment of Sahra Wagenknecht, who had already been criticizing the so-called Brandmauer, the political barrier erected against AfD.

The importance of this nuance is great. A formal coalition is not the same as a willingness to negotiate concrete initiatives, abstain in decisive votes, or accept that AfD has some type of institutional role. But all those options shift the political debate much more than what was happening before the polls closed.

AfD wins, but the key is already who isolates it and who does not

The result of AfD was anticipated by the polls. What was not entirely discounted was that, as soon as the first data was known, a party with options to enter Parliament would launch such an explicit message about the exclusion of the winning formation.

This makes the BSW a much more relevant actor than its percentages indicate. If it enters the Landtag, it can influence not only the parliamentary arithmetic but also the political climate of the negotiation.

For the CDU and for the rest of the parties opposed to any collaboration with AfD, the statement adds pressure. It would no longer be just about containing the leading force, but doing so in a context where part of the discourse on governability begins to change.

Die Linke responds and reinforces the rejection of AfD

In the face of that opening from the BSW, Die Linke has come out to mark the opposite line. Its leader Heidi Reichinnek has defended that "there should never be cooperation with a far-right party," according to a reaction disseminated during the election night.

The response clearly sets the political clash that the day leaves. While the BSW questions maintaining AfD, backed by nearly 44% of voters, out of power, Die Linke insists that no avenue of cooperation with the far right should be opened.

More key points, information and questions with FREN

AI-GENERATED CONTENT

What is the status of the formation of the new government in Saxony-Anhalt after the elections?

As of the available information (September 6, 2026), there is still no government negotiation in Saxony-Anhalt because the regional elections are taking place precisely today. What exists are very recent polls and prior party positions that allow anticipating scenarios, but not a formal start of government formation nor a closed coalition agreement.

The most recent articles from the newspaper Demócrata and other cited media focus on two key ideas:

  • AfD starts as the clear favorite to win the regional elections in Saxony-Anhalt, with polls placing it above 40% of the votes and far ahead of the CDU.
  • The rest of the parties –CDU, SPD, The Greens, and The Left (Die Linke)– have reiterated their refusal to form coalitions with AfD, maintaining the so-called cordon sanitaire.

In a detailed analysis about Saxony-Anhalt, Demócrata explains that polls place AfD around 41–43%, CDU near 22–23%, The Left around 11–12%, SPD between 7–8%, and The Greens just above the 5% threshold to enter the regional parliament. It is also mentioned that parties like FDP or the Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance (BSW) are below that 5%, which could leave them out of the Landtag. None of this is official results, but pre-voting estimates.

In this context, the situation of the future government formation can be summarized as follows:

  • There is no formal investiture process nor documented official talks yet after the elections, because the counting has not closed and the new Landtag has not been constituted.
  • The big question is whether AfD will achieve an absolute majority of seats or not. Public television and polls collected by media like Tagesschau, cited by Demócrata, emphasize that none of the 2026 polls so far clearly granted that absolute majority, although it was within reach depending on small changes in vote distribution.
  • If AfD obtains an absolute majority of seats, it could form a government alone despite the cordon sanitaire, because it would not need partners. That would be the first time the party controls a regional government in Germany.
  • If AfD does not reach an absolute majority, all other parties have indicated they would try to build an alternative majority without AfD. That would require a broad coalition (for example, combinations among CDU, SPD, Greens, and possibly The Left) and open a very complex negotiation.

Alongside the institutional scenario, there is a strong social backdrop. Another Demócrata report describes mobilizations in Magdeburg, where about 6,000 people participated in a “Festival for Democracy” on the eve of the elections, promoted by the coalition “Saxony-Anhalt Open to the World.” The explicit goal of these protests is to avoid a regional government dominated by AfD. This citizen mobilization anticipates that if AfD does not achieve an absolute majority, social pressure for the other parties to form some kind of alternative coalition will be very high.

In summary, regarding your question:

  • Status of government formation: it has not formally started yet; we are on the same day of the elections, with only polls and prior positions.
  • Possible coalitions:
    • AfD solo government, only viable if it achieves an absolute majority of seats.
    • “Anti-AfD” coalition among several forces (CDU, SPD, Greens, possibly Die Linke) if their combined seats surpass AfD.
  • Party positioning: all relevant democratic parties (CDU, SPD, Greens, Die Linke) publicly rule out pacting with AfD, following the pattern already observed in the Bundestag and other Länder.

Until official results are known and the new Saxony-Anhalt Parliament is constituted, it is not possible to go beyond these scenarios. The formation of the new government will depend on three critical variables: AfD’s final percentage, which parties actually surpass the 5% threshold, and the ability of the other parties to articulate a stable majority without breaking the cordon sanitaire against the far right.

Can you explain exactly what the “cordon sanitaire” against AfD is and how it is being applied in other German Länder? If AfD ultimately obtains an absolute majority in Saxony-Anhalt, what implications would that have in the Bundesrat and in German federal politics? What specific seat combinations would CDU, SPD, Greens, and The Left need to govern without AfD according to the prior polls?

What are the powers and attributions of the minister-president in Saxony-Anhalt according to German legislation?

I do not have access to the databases or search tools necessary to rigorously work on German legislation or, specifically, on the constitutional and legal statute of the minister-president of the Land of Saxony-Anhalt. My specialization, as configured, focuses on the institutional system and political and normative activity in Spain (General Courts, autonomous parliaments, Government of Spain, autonomous governments, state and regional regulations, etc.).

This means I cannot offer you a secure and detailed exposition of the powers and attributions of the minister-president in Saxony-Anhalt according to German law. To properly answer your question, one would need to consult, among other possible sources:

  • The Constitution of the Land of Saxony-Anhalt (Landesverfassung Sachsen-Anhalt), which regulates the figure of the minister-president, their election by the Landtag, their functions related to the Land government, their political leadership powers, and possible external representation attributions.
  • The Grundgesetz (German federal constitution), insofar as it distributes competencies between the Federation and the Länder and thus conditions the material scope in which a minister-president can act.
  • The organic and regulatory legislation of the Land itself (for example, laws on the Government and Administration of Saxony-Anhalt, internal regulations of the Landtag, rules on political and legal responsibility of the regional government, etc.).

Only from these sources could a technically solid analysis be developed that distinguished, for example:

  • The political and government leadership functions within the Land executive (chairing the cabinet, setting general policy lines of the regional government, coordination among ministers, etc.).
  • The representation powers, both internal (towards the Landtag and other Land institutions) and external (towards the Federation, other Länder, or even internationally, as permitted by federal law).
  • The formal attributions of signing, promulgating, and executing Land norms, as well as the possible capacity to propose legislative initiatives to the regional parliament.
  • The political responsibility mechanisms (for example, the possibility of motions of no confidence in the Landtag, resignation, replacement, etc.) that condition the effective exercise of their powers.

Without direct and reliable access to that specific legislation, going into detail would mean resorting to unverified information or comparative generalizations that could be misleading. Since my function is to offer answers based on verifiable information and, in particular, on official Spanish sources, I must refrain from “filling gaps” about legal systems I cannot consult in real time.

If you need that information with legal precision, I recommend:

  • Consulting directly the Constitution of Saxony-Anhalt (Landesverfassung) on the official website of the Landtag or the Land government.
  • Reviewing manuals or articles on German constitutional law and, in particular, on Länder law, which usually dedicate specific chapters to the figure of the minister-president in each federated state.
  • Accessing specialized legal databases in Germany (for example, official or academic portals) where these norms are compiled and commented on.

On the other hand, I can help you, with a level of detail and support from official sources, on analogous issues but related to Spain, such as:

  • The powers of the President of the Government of Spain according to the Spanish Constitution and laws.
  • The functions and attributions of the presidents of autonomous communities (for example, president of the Junta of Andalusia, president of the Generalitat of Catalonia, lehendakari, etc.), according to their Statutes of Autonomy and government laws.
  • Comparing, in general terms, the political role of a Spanish regional head of government with that of a minister-president of a Land, as long as the Spanish parts of the analysis are the main focus.

If you are interested in a comparative analysis focused on Spanish institutions, or if you want to transfer your question to an equivalent position or figure within the Spanish system, I will be happy to help you with all the detail possible.

What results did the parties obtain in the last regional elections of Saxony-Anhalt and what is the current composition of the Landtag?

Based on the information found in the consulted sources, it is only possible to offer part of what you ask with precise numerical data. The reviewed news provide the vote results of the previous regional elections of Saxony-Anhalt (those of 2021) for some parties, but do not offer the exact seat distribution nor the detailed composition of the Landtag, nor the official result of the vote taking place today, September 6, 2026. Below I summarize rigorously what we do know and the limits of the available information.

1. Temporal context: what are the “last” elections

Today, September 6, 2026, new regional elections are being held in Saxony-Anhalt, according to several press pieces collected by the newspaper Demócrata. Therefore:

  • The last elections already held and closed with complete official results are those of 2021.
  • The elections of 2026 are taking place “this Sunday,” so at the time of consultation, the sources used do not yet have a final count nor the new seat distribution.

Consequently, when we talk about complete official results and Landtag composition, the solid reference remains the legislature started after the 2021 elections. The reviewed journalistic sources, however, only explicitly offer some vote percentages from 2021, not the seat distribution.

2. Results of the 2021 regional elections

An analysis by Demócrata on the 2026 campaign in Saxony-Anhalt, focused on the rise of AfD, compares the current situation with that of the 2021 regional elections in this same Land. That text expressly states that:

  • In 2021, the CDU was the winning party in Saxony-Anhalt with 37.1 % of the votes.
  • The AfD came in second with 20.8 % of the votes.

The same article emphasizes that the 2026 polls “invert that relationship,” now placing AfD above 40% and CDU around 22%, but that is a poll projection, not an official result. In any case, the previous figures (37.1% and 20.8%) allow gauging the shift in balance between the two forces between 2021 and now.

Regarding the other parties with representation in 2021 —SPD, Die Linke, The Greens, FDP, or others—, the consulted news do not offer, textually and verifiably, the vote percentage nor the number of seats obtained in those regional elections. To avoid introducing data not supported by the reviewed sources, it is not possible to complete the full results table precisely.

3. Current composition of the Saxony-Anhalt Landtag

Nor has an explicit numerical breakdown of the seat distribution in the Landtag during the 2021-2026 legislature been found in the examined pieces. The news focus mainly on:

  • The comparison between the 2021 result and the 2026 polls.
  • The possible impact of an absolute majority or a blocking minority by AfD, explaining that with more than a third of the seats it could veto decisions requiring two-thirds majorities.
  • The decisive role of the 5 % threshold to enter the regional parliament and how the possible exclusion of BSW, FDP, or other actors could modify the seat distribution.

This discussion helps understand the institutional logic and government scenarios but does not provide a closed table with “X seats for CDU, Y for AfD, Z for SPD…”. That is, we know that after 2021 the CDU was clearly the first force and AfD the second, but not how many seats each party has, nor how the rest of the chamber is exactly distributed, based on the sources consulted in this research.

4. Limitations and how to obtain the exact data

To answer exactly what you ask —vote percentage and number of seats per party in the last regional elections, along with the complete and updated composition of the Landtag— it would be necessary to consult the official count of the 2021 Landtagswahl and, when the 2026 count closes, the official electoral website of the state of Saxony-Anhalt or its regional statistics office, which publish:

  • Vote percentages and absolute votes per party.
  • Definitive seat distribution in the Landtag.
  • Possible subsequent changes (resignations, replacements, etc.).

The news and analyses accessed summarize trends and comparisons but do not include that fully detailed table. For rigor, it is only possible to state with certainty, based on those sources, that in 2021 the CDU obtained 37.1% of the votes and AfD 20.8%, being first and second forces respectively, and that today (with the 2026 elections underway) the Landtag is still formally composed according to the 2021 result, although without being able to specify the exact seat distribution by party.

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What stance has Claudia Wittig, BSW candidate, expressed regarding AfD's participation in the government after the elections?

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Which party defended during election night that there should never be cooperation with AfD?

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What key role could BSW play in the new Saxony-Anhalt Landtag according to the news?

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