Feijóo kicks off his campaign for security in Barcelona and demands a response from Sánchez regarding street violence.

The leader of the PP will start in Barcelona, alongside Xavier García Albiol, a round of visits to different Spanish cities to learn firsthand about the problems of insecurity and gather the demands of residents and merchants.

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Elecciones 29N · Encuestas

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Media a 27 de octubre de 2026 · 15 institutos

  • PP31,0 %
  • PSOE27,3 %
  • Vox18,9 %
  • Sumar6,3 %
  • Podemos2,9 %
  • ERC2,3 %
010203040ene 2024jul 2024ene 2025jul 2025ene 2026jul 2026

Media del último estudio de cada instituto en 30 días y su evolución semanal desde el 23J. Partidos con al menos un 2 %.

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Elecciones generales del 29 de noviembre · Demócrata

The leader of the PP starts today, along with Xavier García Albiol a tour of visits to the areas affected by street violence. The incidents in Barcelona, A Coruña, Pamplona and Bilbao, with attacks on police and damage to businesses, open a debate about the response of the Interior and the competencies of the regional police.

Alberto Núñez Feijóo has decided to make citizen security one of the main axes of his campaign for the general elections on November 29. The president of the Popular Party will begin in Barcelona, accompanied by Xavier García Albiol, a series of visits to places affected by episodes of street violence, with the intention of understanding the damages suffered by merchants and neighbors and conveying his proposals to reinforce public order.

The initiative, according to popular sources consulted by DEMÓCRATA, also responds to a political conviction: the PP believes that the government of Pedro Sánchez is not making the necessary decisions to guarantee safety on the streets.

The choice of Barcelona is not casual. The city has just recorded disturbances that have resulted in 128 detainees, 72 of them minors, fifteen police officers injured, 23 businesses vandalized, and 33 interventions by firefighters due to fires.

The call, mainly disseminated through TikTok, reproduced formulas of youth mobilization observed previously in France and ended with barricades, looting, and attacks against the Mossos d'Esquadra.

For the PP, the events in Barcelona cannot be analyzed in isolation. In recent days, violent episodes have been recorded in Coruña, Pamplona, and Bilbao, some linked to protests against Vox events or against the presence of Vito Quiles. Although their triggers are different and there is no accredited common organization, the incidents present a shared element: assaults or attacks against agents, disturbances of public order, and damage to public and private property.

In this campaign, the Galician leader wants to bring that diagnosis to the electoral field. His strategy consists of visiting the scenes of the disturbances, listening to those affected, and questioning the institutional response. The popular leadership maintains that it is not enough to condemn violence once it has occurred and demands a preventive and coordinated action from public authorities.

The PP points to the Government: it is not enough to condemn the disturbances

The criticism that the PP directs at the Executive goes beyond the damage caused by violent protesters. The popular party considers that the central Government should exercise its security competencies with greater determination and guarantee an institutional response capable of preventing disturbances, protecting agents, and avoiding that protests lead to attacks against people and properties.

In this line, Feijóo has spoken out after the incidents in Bilbao. The popular president condemned what he described as a new attempt at intimidation by the violent left and linked his electoral proposal to the need for a Government that guarantees order and security. His message aims to place the actions of Sánchez's Executive under scrutiny on an issue that directly affects the daily lives of citizens.

The PP's approach therefore incorporates a specific political demand: that the authorities do not limit themselves to reacting when incidents have already occurred, but that they anticipate risk calls, reinforce devices when necessary, and ensure coordination between administrations.

However, the operational responsibility does not always correspond to the Ministry of the Interior. In Catalonia, the ordinary maintenance of citizen security mainly falls on the Mossos d'Esquadra, dependent on the Generalitat. In the Basque Country, that function corresponds to the Ertzaintza, under the authority of the Basque Government. In Navarra, both the Foral Police and the National Police intervene, while in Galicia the National Police depends on the Ministry of the Interior.

Hence, the political question that Feijóo wants to raise is broader: whether the set of administrations is providing a sufficient response to a succession of violent episodes and what changes should be introduced to prevent them.

Barcelona, first stop: 128 detained and a mobilization inspired by France

The incidents recorded on Saturday, October 24, in the center of Barcelona constitute the largest episode by number of detainees.

Hundreds of young people gathered in Plaça de Catalunya after a call spread through social networks. Many were dressed in black and some had their faces covered. What began as an uncommunicated concentration ended with the throwing of objects, fires of urban furniture, and vandalism against commercial establishments.

The known balance is especially significant: 128 arrested, 72 minors, 23 affected businesses, and 33 interventions for fires. The Mossos also filed reports for the seizure of knives, aerosols, balaclavas, pyrotechnic material, and stones.

The mobilization presents similarities with the phenomenon known as Blocus, spread through social networks and related to youth convocations recorded in France. However, that similarity does not prove that the Spanish incidents are directed from abroad nor that there is a common organized structure.

The mayor of Barcelona, Jaume Collboni, described the mobilization as suspicious and emphasized that it did not respond to a conventional protest. He also initially estimated the damages caused to the burned urban furniture at around 36,000 euros.

A Coruña: twelve injured police officers during protests against Abascal

In A Coruña, the origin of the incidents was different. On October 21, about 5,000 people, according to police figures collected by EFE, participated in a concentration against an event by Santiago Abascal in María Pita square.

The National Police deployed a device to separate the demonstrators from the attendees of the Vox event. At the end of the call, a group of people, some hooded, began to throw stones, chairs, and firecrackers at the police cordon.

The confrontations resulted in two arrests, twelve injured officers, several injured demonstrators, and two journalists hit by objects. The officers carried out charges and used riot control material.

The police action also provoked criticism from some organizing groups, which denounced a disproportionate use of force. That controversy does not alter the fact that attacks against officers occurred.

Unlike Barcelona, in A Coruña the National Police depended directly on the Ministry of the Interior, so the decisions regarding the device and its planning are situated within the state security structure.

Pamplona: three arrested and four injured police officers

Navarra has also recorded episodes of violence associated with political and media convocations.

On October 15, the presence of Vito Quiles in the vicinity of Yamaguchi park in Pamplona triggered protests that ended with the throwing of stones and bottles, overturned containers, and police charges.

The subsequent balance raised to three the people detained, one of them a minor, and four the agents of the National Police injured lightly. The operation involved members of the National Police and the Foral Police.

The Government delegate in Navarra, Alicia Echeverría, condemned the incidents and defended that ideological discrepancies should be expressed through democratic procedures and without resorting to violence.

The episode illustrates one of the issues that the PP wants to convey to the campaign: how to ensure that public events can be held safely and prevent a part of the participants in the protests from imposing their positions by force.

Bilbao: attacks on the Ertzaintza even after the event was canceled

Bilbao experienced this Monday one of the most recent episodes. A mobilization against the presence of Vito Quiles in the vicinity of the University of Deusto ended with barricades, burning vehicles, damage to businesses, and throwing stones at agents of the Ertzaintza.

The most relevant fact is that the event of Quiles had been canceled before the most serious disturbances occurred. The Department of Security of the Basque Government interpreted this circumstance as an indication that those who carried out the attacks sought to provoke public order disturbances regardless of the celebration of the meeting.

The final balance released this Tuesday by the Ertzaintza places at 17 the detained, ten of them minors, and one person under investigation. None of the arrested had been previously detained by the Basque Police. The investigation remains open to identify other possible participants.

According to official information, among the arrested are Spanish citizens and people of other origins.

In this case, the responsibility for the operation corresponded to the Ertzaintza, dependent on the Basque Executive, whose lehendakari, Imanol Pradales, condemned the disturbances.

Who are behind the disturbances: young people, radicals, and different profiles

One of the questions that the authorities raise is who is behind these episodes and to what extent there is the capacity for organization to transfer violent calls from one city to another.

The available data does not allow for a discussion of a unique profile. In Barcelona, 72 of the 128 detainees were minors and only two had a history of public disorder, according to the report from the Mossos. In Bilbao, the 17 arrested were between under 18 and 25 years old, and none had been previously detained by the Ertzaintza.

In A Coruña and Pamplona, for their part, the incidents occurred during protests called against specific acts or public presences, in which diverse groups participated as well as groups of hooded individuals who confronted the Police.

The presence of anti-system groups in certain episodes and the references to participants from different backgrounds do not authorize attributing a common identity to all those involved. Investigations must establish who organized each call, who participated in the attacks, and whether there were coordination mechanisms among those responsible for the violent acts.

Radical groups and organized calls behind the disturbances

Police investigations and statements from authorities point to the participation of radical groups and the preparation of violent actions in some of the disturbances recorded in Bilbao, Pamplona, and Barcelona.

In the Basque Country, the Minister of Security, Bingen Zupiria, has indicated that the young people involved may have followed directives from radical organizations, while the lehendakari, Imanol Pradales, has denounced the actions of hundreds of organized radicals. The altercations continued even after the event of Vito Quiles was canceled.

In Pamplona, according to what the EFE Agency published, GKS Iruñerria was identified among the organizers of the protests on October 15, while Diario de Navarra described the coordinated actions of groups dressed in black who threw objects at the Police.

In Barcelona, messages prior to the disturbances were also located with instructions to attend with balaclavas, gloves, and flares, as well as conversations about thefts. The Mossos are investigating who managed the anonymous accounts of Blocus, without any specific organization's responsibility being accredited so far.

The planning of police devices has also sparked criticism. According to El Español, the Mossos were aware of the call in Barcelona a week in advance, although they did not foresee the magnitude of the incidents. In Bilbao, the police union ErNE has questioned the early withdrawal of forces when there was still a risk of disturbances. The possible involvement of organized groups in the mobilization of young people, many of whom have no prior records, continues to be the subject of investigation.

The debate on the Interior: prevention, coordination, and support for the agents

The strategy of the PP places the Ministry of the Interior before a fundamental political question: what instruments should be used to prevent known gatherings from turning into episodes of violence.

In operational terms, the prevention of disturbances depends on several factors: the available police information, risk assessment, the size of the device, the separation of opposing gatherings, the protection of establishments, and the capacity for intervention at the first incidents.

It also requires cooperation between police forces and administrations, especially when calls are spread through social networks and can be reproduced in different cities.

The PP believes that the institutional response must be firmer and more coordinated, but the accusation that the Government is not issuing the pertinent orders requires distinguishing between a disagreement over security policy and the existence of specific operational instructions that have been omitted.

The devices deployed in Barcelona, A Coruña, Pamplona, and Bilbao demonstrate that the police did intervene, made arrests, and, in some cases, suffered numerous injuries. The debate, therefore, is not about determining whether there was police action, but whether the planning, resources, and decisions of the competent authorities were sufficient to prevent or contain the incidents.

The judicial response is also part of that discussion. Police arrests do not equate to convictions, and the alleged crimes of public disorder, damage, or assault against agents must be proven in the corresponding procedures. In cases involving minors, specialized jurisdiction also intervenes.

A 48-hour deadline

Feijóo wants to broaden the concept of security beyond disturbances. His approach also incorporates the protection of private property and the fight against the illegal occupation of housing.

The popular president has announced his intention to promote new legislation that facilitates the eviction of illegally occupied properties within a period of 48 hours, along with reforms of the Land Law and the Horizontal Property Law.

The party aims to link these proposals with a broader agenda of legal security, coexistence, and protection of property owners. However, these are distinct legal issues: the illegal occupation of a property, home invasion, and conflicts arising from rental non-payment do not have the same legal treatment nor can they be resolved through a single procedure.

The PP presents these reforms as part of its commitments for the first months of a potential Government. Their effective scope would depend on the drafting of the regulations, judicial guarantees, and the resources available to implement them.

A campaign that will bring security to the neighborhoods

The tour that Feijóo will start in Barcelona responds to the PP's desire to move the debate on security outside of conventional party events.

The popular leadership wants the candidate to listen directly to the merchants who have suffered damages, to the neighbors who demand greater protection, and to the professionals responsible for maintaining public order.

The main political accusation that Feijóo will direct at the Government is that Spain needs a more decisive response to violent behaviors and an institutional coordination that allows for their prevention. The Executive, for its part, has condemned the incidents and defends the actions of the police forces, so the discussion will likely shift to the sufficiency of the devices, the competencies of each administration, and the measures proposed by each party.

Barcelona will be the first stop of a strategy that the PP intends to maintain until the elections on November 29. The succession of disturbances has provided Feijóo with a new issue for political confrontation with Sánchez, but also an institutional debate: how to guarantee the right to protest without violence impeding the exercise of other freedoms or compromising the safety of citizens and the agents themselves.

More key points, information and questions with FREN

AI-GENERATED CONTENT

What is the status of the processing of the PP's proposals to strengthen citizen security in the Congress of Deputies?

As of October 28, 2026, the main legislative proposals of the PP to strengthen citizen security have expired with the dissolution of the Cortes on October 6 or were previously rejected. Therefore, it is not correct to describe as currently in process the initiative against squatting that advanced in May. It is also necessary to distinguish between legal reforms and approved proposals that simply urge the Government to act.

The main reforms that expired
  • Illegal squatting and neighborhood coexistence. The organic motion from the Popular Group passed the consideration stage — the decision to start processing it — on May 19, 2026. On May 26, the Board referred it to the Interior Committee and opened a period for amendments initially until June 16. It included rapid evictions, tougher penalties, protection of homeowners' associations, and restrictions on registration. It expired on October 6 without becoming law. (Processing agreement).
  • Multiple repeat offenses in thefts and frauds. The PP's own motion had been taken into consideration and sent to the Justice Committee; the agreement of June 18, 2024 opened amendments. It also expired on October 6. It should not be confused with the reform promoted by Junts that advanced later. (Justice agreement).
  • Legal protection of agents. The reform of the Law on Security Forces and Corps, presented on June 19, 2026, sought to specify the conditions for the use of weapons, especially against drug trafficking. It was admitted and published but expired with the dissolution. (PP text).
  • Prison security. Both the proposal to recognize prison officers as agents of authority, published in April 2024, and the one related to sentence execution and prison regime, published in June 2026, expired. (Dissolution of the Cortes).
Proposals rejected before dissolution
  • Extension of permanent revisable imprisonment. The initiative of the PP and the Mixed Group to include murder with concealment of the corpse and recidivism in murder was rejected on March 17, 2026; its processing ended then. (Publication of rejection).
  • Organized crime and drug trafficking. The reform to redefine the powers of the National Court was rejected on June 25, 2024. (Rejection of the reform).
  • Retirement of police groups. The proposal to apply reduction coefficients for danger to the National Police, Civil Guard, and Customs Surveillance also did not prosper: the rejection was published on September 18, 2026. (Official publication).
Citizen Security and youth gangs

In the reform of the Citizen Security Law, the comprehensive alternative presented by the PP was rejected on December 12, 2024. It was not an approved popular reform: it was an amendment to replace the text being processed by the Chamber. (Congress information).

Regarding youth gangs, the PP reported the approval, on February 19, 2025, of an initiative requesting a plan for prevention, education, and security. It is a political impetus agreement, not a modification of the Penal Code nor proof of its execution by the Government. (PP communication).

In conclusion, pending popular reforms cannot continue automatically after the elections: they must be reintroduced in the new legislature.

What are the specific powers of the Prime Minister regarding security according to Spanish legislation?

The Prime Minister has powers of political direction, coordination, and crisis management in national security and defense. However, he does not concentrate all decisions: the legislation distinguishes his personal powers from those of the Government, ministers, and the General Courts.

1. Direct national security

Article 15 of the Law 36/2015, on National Security expressly assigns him three main functions:

  • Direct the policy and the National Security System, which integrates bodies, resources, and procedures to prevent risks and respond to threats.
  • Propose the National Security Strategy and its revisions. Its approval corresponds to the Government by royal decree, not to the Prime Minister individually — article 14 —.
  • Declare a situation of interest for national security, with the conditions and limits legally established.
2. Chair and activate coordination bodies

According to articles 17, 20, and 21 of that law, he directs the System assisted by the National Security Council, which he chairs; when the King attends its meetings, it corresponds to him to chair them. He also proposes the development of the composition, organization, and functions of the Council by royal decree agreed in the Council of Ministers.

In a situation of interest for national security, he must convene the Council to direct and coordinate its management — article 25 —. Additionally, he appoints who chairs the specialized committee supporting crisis management — article 26 —.

3. Declare and organize the response to crises

Article 24 allows the Prime Minister to declare by royal decree a situation of interest for national security. He must define the crisis, the affected territory, its duration and possible extension, the necessary resources, and, when appropriate, appoint a functional authority and determine their powers.

This power does not equate to declaring a state of exception. According to article 23, ordinary powers of administrations are used and fundamental rights cannot be suspended. The Government must immediately inform the Congress of the measures and the evolution of the situation.

4. Direct defense and the use of the Armed Forces

Article 6 of the Organic Law 5/2005, on National Defense assigns him:

  • Direct defense policy, determine its objectives, and manage crises affecting it.
  • Exercise strategic direction of military operations when force is used, and order, coordinate, and direct the actions of the Armed Forces and arrange their deployment.
  • Formulate the National Defense Directive and approve major objectives and strategic approaches.
  • Set guidelines for foreign negotiations on defense, determine basic lines of national and international military action, and order missions.

These powers coexist with those of the Government and parliamentary control. The Minister of Defense develops and executes that policy under presidential authority — article 7 —, and the National Defense Council assists him — article 8 —.

5. Limits: decisions that are not personal

The supreme command of the Armed Forces corresponds to the King — article 62.h of the Constitution —, not to be confused with the Prime Minister's strategic direction powers. Likewise, the Organic Law 4/1981 reserves to the Government, meeting in Council of Ministers, the declaration of alarm and exception, the latter with prior authorization from Congress. Therefore, these are not unilateral powers of the Prime Minister.

What legal requirements must be met for a mobilization to be communicated and authorized by authorities in Spain?

In Spain, a peaceful demonstration or gathering does not require prior authorization: article 21 of the Constitution recognizes the right of assembly. When held in a public transit area, it must be previously communicated to the competent authority. Therefore, communicating a mobilization does not equate to requesting permission: it allows adopting security measures and organizing traffic, and can only be limited for legally justified reasons.

1. Which mobilizations must be communicated

Organic Law 9/1983, regulating the right of assembly, requires prior communication for gatherings in public transit places and demonstrations. This includes both marches with routes and static gatherings. For these purposes, the law understands a gathering as the concerted and temporary meeting of more than twenty people with a specific purpose.

Not all gatherings follow this procedure: those held in homes or certain closed premises have a different regime. Also, if the activity includes stages, installations, special occupations, or activities unrelated to exercising the right of assembly, other specific procedures may be required, without turning the demonstration into an activity subject to prior authorization.

2. Who communicates and to which authority

The communication corresponds to the organizers or promoters, who must identify themselves and sign it. It must be addressed to the competent governmental authority: usually, the Government Delegation or Subdelegation, or the regional body exercising these powers when assumed. The city council may intervene through reports and measures related to urban space but does not necessarily replace that authority.

3. Deadline and mandatory content

The communication must be submitted in writing with a minimum advance of ten calendar days and a maximum of thirty days. When there are extraordinary and serious causes justifying urgency, it can be made with a minimum advance of twenty-four hours. Urgency must be justified; it is not enough to invoke it generically.

According to article 9 of Organic Law 9/1983, the document must include:

  • Name, surname, address, and official identification document of the organizers, or their representative if it is a legal entity, including its data.
  • Place, date, time, and expected duration of the gathering or demonstration.
  • Purpose of the call.
  • Planned itinerary, when it is expected to circulate through public roads.
  • Security measures planned by the organizers or requested from the authority.

It is advisable to keep the submission receipt and provide an operational contact to coordinate necessary measures.

4. When can changes be imposed or it be prohibited

The authority may propose modifications of date, place, duration, or route, or prohibit the mobilization, when there are well-founded reasons of public order disturbance with danger to people or property. The decision must be motivated and notified within a maximum of seventy-two hours from the communication.

Usual inconveniences, disagreements with the message, or mere ordinary impact on traffic are not enough by themselves to justify a prohibition. Restrictions must respect necessity and proportionality. Nor is it necessary to wait for a favorable resolution: the system is of communication, not authorization.

5. Obligations during the mobilization and appeals

The gathering must be peaceful and unarmed. Organizers must adopt measures to maintain good order. The authority may suspend or dissolve it in legally foreseen cases, such as public order disturbances with danger to people or property, respecting applicable guarantees.

If they disagree with a prohibition or modification, promoters may file a special contentious-administrative appeal within forty-eight hours following its notification. Failure to communicate may generate administrative liability but does not automatically turn a peaceful gathering into a criminal activity.

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