This is the first row of Feijóo: the 14 names of the PP that fuel the pools about his ministers

Feijóo brings together 550 leaders of the PP at the Espacio Larra and presents twelve commitments amid the escalation of bets on his future ministerial team.

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Elecciones 29N · Encuestas

La media de las encuestas

Media a 21 de octubre de 2026 · 15 institutos

  • PP31,6 %
  • PSOE26,9 %
  • Vox18,7 %
  • Sumar6,3 %
  • Podemos3,1 %
  • ERC2,2 %
010203040ene 2024jul 2024ene 2025jul 2025ene 2026jul 2026

Media del último estudio de cada instituto en 30 días y su evolución semanal desde el 23J. Partidos con al menos un 2 %.

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Elecciones generales del 29 de noviembre · Demócrata

This Monday, Alberto Núñez Feijóo has gathered about 550 leaders of the Popular Party in an emblematic setting for Spanish journalism: the Espacio Larra, which pays tribute to the writer and journalist who almost 200 years ago published that anthological piece titled Vuelva usted mañana, in which he criticized the bureaucratic inefficiency of the time and portrayed the contradictions of Spanish public life.

Years later, the leader of the PP has chosen this space, where the old printing presses of El Sol and La Voz once operated and whose newsrooms were linked to such prominent figures as Mariano Cavia, Ortega y Gasset, Ramón J. Sender, Rafael Sánchez Mazas, or Serrano Anguita, among other great names in journalism.

A contract with the Spaniards

The occasion was not the presentation of a new media outlet. Feijóo gathered the top brass of his party to stage his commitment to oversee political change through a "Contract with Spain," which he symbolically signed after outlining twelve major commitments. Among them, lowering taxes, revaluing pensions according to the CPI, hiring more doctors, building at least one million homes, and allowing judges to choose the judges of the General Council of the Judiciary (CGPJ).

However, the event was not conceived to leave a long list of major headlines. Much of Feijóo's announcements had already been previewed days earlier at various events. The interest of the gathering also lay in the image of support, loyalty, and commitment that the popular leader wanted to project before his own.

DEMÓCRATA was there, spoke with attendees, and could observe some nervousness among some of the politicians sitting in the front row. Among the reasons that could explain this unease is the uncertainty about the candidacies that will run in the elections on November 29, some of which are barely known yet, as is the case with Madrid.

The event also allowed for a visualization of a front row and several more behind it in which, according to political sources consulted by DEMÓCRATA, were some of the profiles that could be part of Feijóo's future Government. In political circles, that front line was identified as that of possible ministers.

the twelve commitments that Alberto Núñez Feijóo

  • Defend national sovereignty and territorial integrity.

  • Recover the quality of our democracy and respect for the separation of powers.

  • A cleaner and lighter State.

  • Effectively address the first problem of Spaniards: housing.

  • Regulate immigration.

  • Guarantee current and future pensions.

  • Strengthen Public Health: more doctors and better conditions.

  • Raise the educational level.

  • More security in the streets.

  • End the fiscal hell that suffocates families.

  • Raise the average salary.

  • Recover Spain's international prestige.

EuropaPress 7854980 presidente pp alberto nunez feijoo saluda vicesecretaria regeneracion
Alberto Núñez Feijóo greets Cuca Gamarra. Photo: Europa Press.

A front row of 14 names

In the Larra Space, the so-called barrier, in bullfighting slang, was formed by Ignacio Dancausa, Idelfonso Castro, Cayetana Álvarez de Toledo, Alfonso Serrano, Pedro Manuel Rollán, Alberto Nadal, Elías Bendodo, Alma Ezcurra, Cuca Gamarra, Carmen Fúnez, Borja Sémper, Javier de Andrés, Sergio Sayas, and Alejandro Fernández. Feijóo greeted each of them before starting his speech.

In total, fourteen people, the same number of ministries that Alberto Núñez Feijóo has committed to configure his Council of Ministers if he wins the elections on November 29 and manages to form a Government.

However, sources consulted by DEMÓCRATA warn that not all members of that front row will end up being ministers.

In the subsequent rows, there are also politicians with profiles that they consider likely to hold a portfolio, while some names that are mentioned in the betting were not present. Our sources also point to leaders situated in further back rows and in lateral positions who, in political circles, take for granted, themselves, or at least promote themselves as such, that they will be part of Feijóo's next cabinet.

This eventual ministerial team, the same sources add, would have to share space with representatives of Vox if a coalition Government is finally constituted.

EuropaPress 7854987 presidente pp alberto nunez feijoo saluda diputada pp congreso cayetana
Alberto Núñez Feijóo greets Cayetana Álvarez de Toledo. Photo: Europa Press.

"Nothing is celebrated here"

But Feijóo does not like to talk about these matters. Nothing is further from his public discourse than distributing positions before the elections. The Galician leader insists every time he has the opportunity that we must wait until 29N to know who wins at the polls.

In that line, he has left several warnings to his own: "Nothing is celebrated here until the last polling station closes"; "No election is declared won nor do we declare any vote lost"; "Elections are not won by polls or the environment, they are won vote by vote, person by person on election day"; and "Work at full capacity, travel around Spain, listen, explain, respond, convince and, finally, win democratically at the polls".

Meanwhile, Feijóo tries to instill strength in his team so that they do not get carried away by emotion or premature optimism. The priority, at this moment, is to prepare a solid campaign, with good programs and the fewest possible mistakes.

The objective of the leader of the PP is to bring his contract closer to the Spaniards with a country proposal in which the president always tells the truth, respects the institutions, and ensures that the effort of the citizens is worthwhile. Feijóo proposes that judges choose judges, that the middle class recovers its role as the engine of the economy, and that the average salary of workers increases while productivity grows. He also promises to build housing, make young people a priority with the best aid in history, respect property, and revalue pensions according to the CPI. "They will increase every euro according to the CPI," he assured.

A contract with the Spaniards versus a declaration of love

Another of the comments that circulated among the gathered leaders was the contrast between the declaration of values of Alberto Núñez Feijóo and his consequent "Contract with Spain" and the event led last weekend by the president of the Government and leader of the socialists, Pedro Sánchez.

In this sense, the popular criticize Sánchez for centering part of his message on expressions of love and support for his wife. According to the consulted popular sources, that approach overflows with frivolity, displaces the debate from the substantive political issues, and contributes to diverting attention from the management of the Government and the judicial procedures affecting the president's family environment and his party.

More key points, information and questions with FREN

AI-GENERATED CONTENT

At what stage of parliamentary processing is the CGPJ reform proposal announced by Feijóo?

The CGPJ reform proposal announced by Feijóo, aimed at having judges directly elect the twelve members from the judicial branch, no longer has an open parliamentary processing. The Congress rejected its consideration on September 10, 2026, by 175 votes against and 170 in favor. Therefore, as of October 20, 2026, it is not pending committee review, commission, or approval: that process ended with the rejection (Congress vote).

Which specific initiative corresponds to the announcement

The proposal was materialized in the Organic Law Proposal to amend Organic Law 6/1985, of July 1, on the Judiciary, to change the model for electing members of the General Council of the Judiciary. Its path includes two initiatives with that name: the one presented by the Popular Group in Congress, numbered 122/000229, and the one coming from the Senate, identified in Congress as 124/000046. Their texts can be consulted in the official publications of the proposal presented in Congress and the initiative coming from the Senate.

This distinction matters because it was not only a political declaration: there were formalized legislative texts. However, the presentation of a proposal does not mean that Congress has accepted to develop its content nor, much less, that the reform is approved.

The decisive procedure and its consequence

The initiative coming from the Senate reached the Plenary of Congress for its consideration: the vote in which the Chamber decides whether to continue processing a proposal. The result on September 10 was negative. That rejection closed this legislative path, preventing the text from advancing to the discussion of changes in its articles (debate result).

The precise formulation, therefore, is rejected reform, not pending reform. It should also not be interpreted that its prior passage through the Senate was enough to change the election system: the subsequent rejection by Congress prevented that proposal from becoming law.

What change it proposed

The core of the text was that the twelve judicial members would be elected directly by active judges and magistrates, by personal, free, equal, direct, and secret vote. The eight legal members would continue to be elected by the Cortes, four by each Chamber. The proposal also contemplated a nationwide constituency, individual or associative candidacies, representation requirements by judicial categories, and a minimum of 40% for each gender (explanation in Demócrata).

Do not confuse it with the 2024 reform

It is a different initiative from the reform agreed upon by PSOE and PP in 2024, which did complete its processing and resulted in Organic Law 3/2024, of August 2. That incorporated changes on incompatibilities and functioning of the judicial system, as well as the CGPJ's mandate to study European models and propose suggestions on the election of judicial members (definitive approval of 2024).

In short, the announcement led to a concrete parliamentary proposal, but not to an approved or currently ongoing reform.

What are the main powers and attributions of the Prime Minister in Spain according to the Constitution?

The Prime Minister's main function is to direct the Executive's action and coordinate its members. The Constitution also assigns specific decisions regarding the Government's composition, its confidence relationship with Congress, and the proposal for parliamentary dissolution. It is important to distinguish his personal powers from the competencies that belong to the Government as a whole.

1. Direction and coordination of the Government

Article 98.2 establishes that the Prime Minister "directs the Government's action and coordinates the functions of the other members thereof." This is the constitutional basis of his leadership: he guides the Executive's actions and coordinates the work of its members.

However, this direction is exercised "without prejudice to the competence and direct responsibility of these members in their management." Therefore, ministers retain their own competencies and are accountable for their actions; the Presidency does not absorb all their functions.

2. Proposal for appointment and dismissal of ministers

According to Article 100, the other members of the Government are appointed and dismissed by the King, at the Prime Minister's proposal. This allows the Prime Minister to determine his team's composition and promote changes, although the formal appointment and dismissal correspond to the monarch.

3. Raising the question of confidence

Article 112 allows him to raise before Congress a question of confidence: a vote to verify if he maintains parliamentary support. He must do so after deliberation by the Council of Ministers and regarding his program or a general policy statement.

Confidence is obtained by a simple majority, that is, with more favorable than opposing votes. If Congress denies it, the Government must present its resignation to the King and the procedure to appoint another Prime Minister begins, according to Article 114.1.

4. Proposal for dissolution of the Chambers

Article 115 allows the Prime Minister, after deliberation by the Council of Ministers and "under his exclusive responsibility," to propose the dissolution of the Congress, the Senate, or both Chambers. The King decrees it, and the decree sets the election date.

This power has limits: it cannot be exercised while a motion of censure is being processed nor, as a general rule, before one year has passed since the previous dissolution. Article 116.5 also prevents dissolving Congress during states of alarm, exception, or siege.

5. Presidential direction and collective competencies

Article 97 assigns to the Government as a whole the direction of domestic and foreign policy, civil and military administration, and State defense. It also corresponds to exercise executive functions and regulatory power, always in accordance with the Constitution and laws.

The Prime Minister directs this action but his leadership should not be confused with exclusive competence over all these matters. For example, Article 116 assigns to the Government, with parliamentary intervention as provided, decisions related to states of alarm, exception, and siege.

6. Responsibility and parliamentary control

The Presidency is subject to controls. The Government is jointly responsible before Congress for its political management —Article 108—, and its members are subject to questions, interpellations, and requests for appearances —Articles 110 and 111—.

Additionally, Congress can approve a motion of censure by absolute majority, which must include an alternative candidate. Its approval forces the Government to resign and allows appointing the proposed candidate as Prime Minister, according to Articles 113 and 114.

In summary, the Prime Minister leads and coordinates the Executive, proposes its composition, and has instruments to manage its relationship with Parliament, but acts within a system of shared competencies and constitutional controls. Source: Spanish Constitution in the BOE.

What has been Cuca Gamarra's political trajectory before holding her current position in the Popular Party?

Before assuming her current responsibility in the PP, linked to Democratic Regeneration in the July 2025 reorganization, Cuca Gamarra had developed a career that began in La Rioja and passed through the Mayor's Office of Logroño, Congress, and the party's General Secretariat. Her trajectory combines municipal experience, organizational responsibilities, and parliamentary functions, as covered by Demócrata on the new leadership.

Early steps in La Rioja

Concepción Gamarra Ruiz-Clavijo was born in Logroño in 1974 and is a lawyer. Her first relevant positions were linked to the territorial structure of the PP: she presided over New Generations of La Rioja between 2000 and 2005, joined the Regional Executive Committee in 2000, and was a member of the National Executive Committee since 2004. That stage preceded her entry into the national frontline (biography from Nueva Economía Fórum).

From municipal politics to the Mayor's Office

In the Logroño City Council, she was deputy mayor between 2003 and 2007. Then, between 2007 and 2011, she served as spokesperson for the Popular Group in municipal opposition. Simultaneously, she presided over the Local Board of the PP of Logroño from 2007 to 2019, thus combining institutional representation with local organizational leadership (municipal and organizational trajectory).

In 2011, she became the first woman mayor of Logroño. She was re-elected in 2015 and remained at the head of the city council until 2019. The mayoralty was her main executive responsibility before moving her political activity to the national level (Newtral chronology).

During those years, she expanded her experience in municipal representation bodies: she was first vice president of the Spanish Network of Smart Cities between 2012 and 2019 and vice president of the Spanish Federation of Municipalities and Provinces between 2016 and 2019. She also participated in the European Committee of the Regions during her mayoral term (institutional responsibilities).

The leap to national leadership

In 2017, she tried to preside over the PP of La Rioja but lost the primaries to José Ignacio Ceniceros. It was an attempt to transfer her municipal leadership to the party's regional direction before joining the national team (review of her trajectory).

In the 2018 national primaries, she supported Soraya Sáenz de Santamaría. However, after Pablo Casado's victory, he incorporated her into his leadership as Deputy Secretary of Social Policies. That appointment marked her entry into the national Steering Committee (Demócrata reconstruction).

Congress and General Secretariat

In 2019, she was elected deputy for La Rioja after leading the PP candidacy in that constituency. In August 2020, she replaced Cayetana Álvarez de Toledo as spokesperson for the Popular Group in Congress, a responsibility she held until late 2023 (PP biography).

During the 2022 internal crisis, she acted as general coordinator in the transition between Casado and Alberto Núñez Feijóo. In April of that year, she became secretary general and initially combined that function with the parliamentary spokesperson role. In 2023, she was also a candidate to preside over Congress, although she was not elected (Demócrata assessment).

Her term as secretary general ended with the July 2025 renewal. Before her subsequent responsibility, therefore, she had traversed the youth organization, local politics, municipal representation, and the main national leadership and spokesperson positions of the PP (leadership reorganization).

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