Carlos Martín (Sumar): "The concentration of wealth affects public debate and democracy"

The economic and fiscal spokesperson of Sumar explains in Demócrata his rate for the super-rich and his proposals to face the threat of a new price crisis.

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Sumar wants to set the pace for the upcoming Budgets in fiscal terms. The day after starting negotiations with the PSOE, it presented a new levy to raise 4.200 million euros from the large fortunes of the country. The objective is to finance a universal benefit of 200 euros per month for families.

Carlos Martín Urriza, economic and fiscal spokesperson for the group, meets with DEMÓCRATA to explain his proposal and, in passing, advance what they are asking from the Ministry of Economy to face a price crisis that, far from easing, is worsening. The previous one ended with inflation of corporate profits and this one, he criticizes, is going down the same path.

That is why he asks Vice President Carlos Cuerpo to “buckle down” and favor a wage pact in collective bargaining. That and capping prices, especially in housing: “In the PSOE they believe they lost last time because of debt, but it was housing. And we are at risk of losing again because of housing.”

Q: The new levy you are promoting would be a new public non-tax wealth benefit, the format that the energy and banking levies had.

A: Unlike a tax, this figure allows for a targeted use. In this case, to finance a universal benefit for child-rearing that combats the high rates of child poverty in Spain, above 10% when the European average is slightly above 8%. And countries with per capita income levels far below Spain, like Poland or Portugal, are at 3% and 2%, respectively. Our level of development does not align with these high rates of child poverty.

We have over 10% child poverty when Poland or Portugal, with lower income levels, are at 3%

Q: The focus of the levy is on the super-rich, it is aimed at fortunes over 50 million euros.

A: In reality, we tax what they have above 50 million. The large fortunes of the country are not contributing as they should. Despite the improvement we made in the Tax on Large Fortunes, when we set a floor to avoid regional competition, the Wealth Tax has deductions and exemptions that benefit large fortunes and make the tax less progressive in its highest brackets.

Among them, that the sum of what you pay in IRPF plus what you pay in Wealth cannot exceed 60% of your taxable base, being able to reduce you up to 80% of the fee in Wealth. Others are the deductions for shares in a family business. They may make sense for a small drugstore, but the largest company by market capitalization in the country is a family business (referring to Inditex). It makes no sense that they can benefit from that exemption.

Large fortunes are not contributing what they should

Q: How much do you think it is possible to collect?

A: About 4.2 billion euros from 1,500 taxpayers, which is actually a floor. We have worked with the household panel of the Institute of Fiscal Studies, which is from 2023, and large fortunes increased in 2024, according to the general aggregated statistics just published by the Tax Agency. We think that in 2025 and 2026 as well.

The concentration of wealth affects public debate, democracy. Globally, it is more easily seen with all these large tech CEOs who influence public debate and hack democracy. Here it is not so transparent.

Q: Have you included a clause so that if a large fortune changes residence, they continue to pay the tax?

A: We have set that escape clause at five years. But, notice, in other countries that we think are more liberal or neoliberal, like the United States, they are more forceful: if you want to maintain nationality, you have to continue taxing in the country.

The European Union needs fiscal muscle to finance the challenges in green and digital transition

Q: Are you going to bring this tax to the budget negotiation with the PSOE?

A: Yes, just like the new tax on large inheritances and donations that we presented a few months ago to establish a floor in the Inheritance and Donations Tax and tax inheritances above one million euros.

All of this is part not only of our strategy as a party but of an international movement. In the statement of reasons, we cite Gabriel Zucman and the Zucman rate, because it moves in that direction.

We are at a critical moment in Europe. We need to finance European public goods related to the green transition, the digital transition, housing, defense... And that has to be financed with debt, with eurobonds, but obviously needs fiscal backing. It is the next Hamiltonian leap that the European Union needs. In its day we had a leap with the single market, then with the euro. Now we need to generate a European treasury with fiscal muscle. This type of taxes can be part of it, just like the tax on energy companies, which we have not managed to maintain at the national level but which countries like France, Germany, or Spain are demanding.

ENERGY AND INFLATION CRISIS

Q: What are you going to propose to contain energy prices? This month many of the measures to face the economic consequences of the war expire.

A: We are again at the beginning of a serious inflationary crisis generated by the war caused by the far-right Trump. We have a problem with skyrocketing and abusive margins of the refineries, which are taking advantage to pass on to final prices a growth that they do not have in costs. That needs to be tackled. We want maximum prices on hydrocarbons, as we already have on butane. We want to recover the Iberian exception.

The refineries are taking advantage to skyrocket their margins. We want maximum prices and to recover the Iberian exception

We cannot escape the rise in energy prices. What needs to be done is to manage that rise and distribute it among entrepreneurs, workers, the state, rentiers, banks… There should be no abusive margins in the energy sector or in supermarkets, but rentiers should not take advantage either.

Q: What do you propose regarding housing?

A: We ask for the extension of rental contracts and to cap them at 2%. We also want to cap increases in mortgage contracts, especially because the references used, the Euribor and the IRPH, are not good. The IRPH is even worse, but the Euribor is an indicator manufactured by the banks themselves.

Before the 2008 crisis, there was an interbank market, but it ceased to exist and now it is determined through opinions of a panel of experts who are in the banks themselves. That is why it is above 3%, when intervention rates are well below.

We cannot escape the rise in energy prices. What needs to be done is to distribute it and ensure there are no abusive margins

We also want savings this time to be remunerated. Banks are going to make a lot of money just by leaving their liquidity in the central bank. We want those references to be shared with savers.

Q: And how do you achieve bringing that profitability to the clients?

A: By also setting a floor. Establishing that a part of the intervention rate of the deposit facility has to go to the sight accounts. That is what we have to do now.

In this crisis, what happened in the previous one cannot happen, where the loss of purchasing power falls only on the shoulders of working families. Our problem in the previous Ukraine crisis was not wage inflation, but profits. The second-round effect came from profits.

According to the Business Margins Observatory, entrepreneurs are at historic highs in profits and expanding margins. They are increasingly making more profits on sales. That is where the Minister of Economy, Carlos Cuerpo, has to work to find a solution.

We want to cap the rise of mortgages and force banks to remunerate savings

We have proposed one: to bring the information from the Business Margins Observatory to the negotiation tables of collective agreements. And then, in the most important collective agreements, respecting the autonomy of collective bargaining, talk with social agents. The minister, who is also the vice president, has many instruments to, through incentives, facilitate a fair distribution of the burdens that Trump has imposed on us.

Q: President Pedro Sánchez asked last week in Congress for sensitivity from the employers to raise salaries.

A: The Government is here to govern, and we are going to demand the vice president to roll up his sleeves and get down to the reality of each sector, of each activity, and to distribute that loss of well-being that Trump has imposed on us due to that reckless war. This coalition government has seen worse and has moved the country forward.

The problem of the Ukraine crisis was profit inflation. It cannot happen again

Q: Do you think there may be fear of a next major crisis and that companies will resort to layoffs again as in 2008?

A: Look, organizing an appropriate practice of cost distribution between capital and labor, which unions and entrepreneurs know how to do if you give them the instruments, is what allows you to manage a more serious crisis.

Businessmen are at historic highs in profits. That is where Vice President Cuerpo has to work, to go down to the negotiation tables

Adjust profits, dividends, salaries, to navigate a difficult situation and preserve more employment. And, when there is a recovery, quickly recover the lost purchasing power and salary. It should be a shared management, but the Government has to accompany it and believe in that.

Believing that the markets will solve it ultimately leads to an unfair distribution of burdens and to people being angry. There is a political responsibility that needs to be managed.

HOUSING CRISIS AND POLITICAL BLOCKAGE

Q: You have talked about many proposals regarding housing. I understand that many of your proposals are also in the decree-law that has not yet been released.

A: The problem is that we have a Parliament that closes to the right and defends property owners against tenants. Last week we proposed something very logical: that companies and funds that do not live in the houses cannot buy them in tense areas. Well, it did not go ahead and the PSOE abstained. We could not convince the Government partners that the housing issue is a serious issue.

In the PSOE they believe they lost last time because of the debt, but it was the housing. And we are at risk of losing again because of housing

In the PSOE they think they lost last time because of the debt, but they lost because of housing. The debt was a consequence of having poorly managed real estate. And we are at risk of the Government losing again because of housing.

We could have used 61 billion in soft loans from the Recovery Plan but they preferred not to increase debt because they think it is the danger. But, in reality, the danger is housing. What makes citizens think that you know how to manage the economy is that you solve their problems. And one of the fundamental problems for many people is that they cannot have a personal project because they cannot access housing at a reasonable price. And the PSOE does not quite see it.

The PSOE prefers not to increase debt because they think it is a danger, but the danger is housing

REGIONAL FINANCING

Q: Another major debate that will open in Congress is that of regional financing, an issue that has had a lot of internal debate in Sumar. Has that discussion concluded yet?

R: Yes, I believe that the position is very well established. We all agree that it is very good for the Government to take the initiative to renew a system that has been outdated since 2014. And it does so by putting 21 billion more on the table, although part of it, about 3 billion, comes from the autonomous communities.

The communities have received a huge amount and have not improved services due to the privatization processes

Our fundamental criterion is that the level of public service must be equivalent throughout the country. We advocate for a complete leveling based on the adjusted population of each territory, which leads to the quality of the public service provided being equivalent, regardless of the territory. In this, I believe our space coincides, and now we have to sit down to negotiate the elements to reach that common goal.

We also want to condition those 21 billion, within the financing system or outside of it. Unlike the General Administration of the State, the communities have received that increase in revenue in their budgets, a huge amount. And we are not seeing that waiting lists are decreasing in healthcare, for example, or that education is improving.

If we are going to put more money into the financing system, we want a reflection on the efficiency of the privatization processes

What is the reason behind all this? The privatization processes. The cost of a public service, such as that of a hospital, is only in the doctors, nurses, orderlies, and the material and machinery that is needed.

If you do it through a private hospital, you also have to compensate for the private capital, which is not satisfied with a margin of 2% or 3%. They ask for 10% or 15%. This is making public services more expensive and is draining a large part of the money that taxpayers contribute. We want this issue, even if it is not within the financing system, to be part of the reflection. If we are going to put more resources, a reflection should be made in terms of the effectiveness and efficiency of that spending.

More key points, information and questions with FREN

AI-GENERATED CONTENT

What parliamentary phase is the wealth tax proposal promoted by Sumar currently in?

The wealth tax proposal promoted by Sumar you are referring to is the Bill for the creation of the Tax on Large Inheritances and Donations, registered in the Congress with the identifier 122/000283. As of today, it is in a very early stage of processing in the Congress of Deputies: it has been admitted for processing and published, but it has not yet reached the debate for consideration in the Plenary.

Identification of the initiative

According to the official Congress record, it is:

  • Short title: Bill for the creation of the Tax on Large Inheritances and Donations.
  • Type: Parliamentary group bill of the Congress.
  • Author group: Plurinational Parliamentary Group SUMAR.
  • Chamber: Congress of Deputies.
  • File number: 122/000283.

The Congress Board agreed on its processing and ordered its publication in the Official Bulletin of the General Courts on May 26, 2026, with the publication appearing in the BOCG dated May 29, 2026.

Exact parliamentary phase

From the official information, it appears that the bill is:

  • Admitted for processing by the Congress Board, which means it has been verified that it meets the formal and material requirements to be processed as a bill.
  • Sent to the Government for the purposes of article 126 of the Congress Regulations, so that it can express its opinion and, if applicable, its agreement or disagreement with the processing if it implies an increase in credits or a decrease in revenues.
  • Published in the Official Bulletin of the General Courts, formal start of its parliamentary processing.
  • Pending setting a date for the debate on consideration in the Plenary: it has not yet been recorded that the Plenary has held the session in which it is decided whether the Chamber assumes the initiative and continues with the full legislative processing.

Procedurally, it can be said that it is in the Congress, in initial processing, after its admission and publication, and awaiting consideration by the Plenary.

Next steps

To better situate the current phase, it is useful to recall the usual steps that parliamentary group bills follow:

  • 1. Presentation and qualification: the group registers the text in the Congress and the Board qualifies and admits it for processing. This part has already been completed in the case of the Sumar bill.
  • 2. Publication and referral to the Government: it is published in the BOCG and sent to the Government to issue an opinion (and, if appropriate, objection due to budgetary impact). This is also already done.
  • 3. Consideration in the Plenary: the Plenary debates the proposal in general terms and votes whether to admit it or not. This is the next pending milestone for the new tax on large inheritances and donations.
  • 4. Processing in committee: if the Plenary considers it, it goes to committee, where an amendment period opens, a rapporteur is appointed, negotiations take place, and a report is approved.
  • 5. Final vote in the Congress and referral to the Senate: the Congress Plenary votes on the resulting text and, if approved, it is sent to the Senate for a second reading.
  • 6. Processing in the Senate and return to the Congress: the Senate can approve, amend, or veto; if applicable, the Congress has the final say.

Therefore, the Sumar initiative on large wealth is still in the initial phase of this process: it has already completed the internal Board steps (admission, publication, and referral to the Government), but has not yet entered the substantive political debate phase, which begins with consideration in the Plenary.

Until that consideration vote takes place, the bill remains formally “in processing in the Congress” without amendment development or committee work, and there is no closed schedule for subsequent phases yet.

What are the powers and political career of the Minister of Economy, Carlos Cuerpo?

Carlos Cuerpo Caballero (Badajoz, 1980) is currently First Vice President of the Government and Minister of Economy, Trade and Business. He is an economist with a technical profile, belonging since 2008 to the Senior Corps of State Commercial and Economists Technicians, with a career built in the Spanish economic administration and European institutions, rather than in classic party politics.

Powers as Minister of Economy (and First Vice President)

At the head of the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Business, Cuerpo directs the general economic policy of the Government, with special focus on macroeconomic stability, competitiveness, and social cohesion. In a statement before the Economy Commission in 2024, he summarized his action axes into three vectors: social cohesion, competitiveness of the productive fabric, and fiscal responsibility, on which he bases reforms and support measures for the real economy (Moncloa press release).

Among his responsibilities are notably:

  • Defining and coordinating the Government's economic policy strategy, including the execution of the Recovery Plan and the European “Next Generation EU” funds.
  • Promoting reforms to improve productivity and competitiveness (for example, the creation of the National Productivity Council and the State Agency for Public Policy Evaluation).
  • Supervising financial and stability policy: Public Treasury, debt, financial regulation, and financial customer protection.
  • Leading the policy on international trade and investments and Spain's economic representation in forums such as ECOFIN, G7, or G20.
  • Ensuring fiscal responsibility, debt and deficit reduction, and alignment of Spanish economic policy with European fiscal rules.

Since March 2026, he also holds the First Vice Presidency of the Government, placing him as the second in the Executive. According to the BOE, this vice presidency is responsible for exercising functions delegated by the president and presiding over the Government Delegated Commission for Economic Affairs, as well as presiding over the Council of Ministers when Pedro Sánchez delegates that function (Moncloa announcement).

Education and technical profile

Cuerpo holds a degree in Economics (University of Extremadura, 2003), a master's in Economics from the London School of Economics (2004), and a PhD in Economics from the Autonomous University of Madrid (2017). His specialization focuses on macroeconomics and monetary economics. The official biography summarized in institutional bases and media such as Demócrata highlights that he has developed his career “focused on macroeconomic analysis and public policies,” with experience in the European Commission and the Independent Authority for Fiscal Responsibility (AIReF) (profile in Demócrata).

There is no record of affiliation to a parliamentary group or elected positions in the consulted registers, confirming his profile as a high-ranking technical official rather than a party politician. His leap to the front political line comes from the high economic administration.

Institutional career before becoming minister

Before leading Economy, Cuerpo held key positions in the Ministry and in the fiscal and financial field:

  • Secretary General of the Treasury and International Financing (August 2021 – December 2023), managing public debt, market relations, and part of Spain's representation in European forums on fiscal rules.
  • Director General of Macroeconomic Analysis at the Ministry of Economic Affairs and Digital Transformation, coordinating the diagnosis of the economic situation and forecast scenarios.
  • Previous experience in the European Commission and in AIReF, in fiscal sustainability analysis, financial stability, and EU economic governance.

In December 2023, he was appointed Minister of Economy, Trade and Business, replacing Nadia Calviño after her election as president of the European Investment Bank. Since then, he has steered the continuity of the Government's economic strategy, the implementation of European funds, and the response to international shocks.

Rise to the First Vice Presidency

On March 26, 2026, Pedro Sánchez announced his appointment as First Vice President of the Government, maintaining the Economy portfolio. In the institutional declaration, the president described him as “one of the most brilliant economists and public servants” in the country and highlighted the “exceptional work” he had been doing at the head of the Ministry (La Moncloa). The following day he took the oath of office before Felipe VI at Zarzuela, as reported by Demócrata.

Overall, Carlos Cuerpo's powers combine the direction of internal economic policy, Spain's representation in the international economic arena, and the political coordination typical of the first vice presidency. His career shows continuity between technical work in the economic administration and the assumption of top-level political responsibilities in the Government.

What legal requirements must public non-tax patrimonial benefits comply with in Spain?

Public non-tax patrimonial benefits (PPNT) are a category of exactions that, although consisting of the obligation to make a payment in favor of a public entity (or, sometimes, a private manager of a public service), are not technically classified as taxes. Precisely because they fall into this intermediate space, the Constitution and legislation require a series of very strict material and formal guarantees for their validity.

1. Concept and basic features

A PPNT is essentially a payment obligation:

  • Imposed coercively by a public authority.
  • Aimed at financing a service or activity of general interest, or compensating a public action.
  • That does not meet the typical characteristics of taxes (taxes, fees, special contributions), either due to the payment structure or its specific link to a service or a particular situation.

The fact that they are not classified as taxes does not mean they are exempt from constitutional requirements regarding economic burdens on citizens. On the contrary, the Constitutional Court has emphasized that every public patrimonial benefit is subject to the reservation of law and the general principles of the financial system.

2. Constitutional requirements: legality and control

From a constitutional perspective, PPNTs must respect at least three major blocks of requirements:

  • Principle of legality and reservation of law: the payment obligation, its essential elements (who pays, how much, when, and why) and the authorization to the Administration or a concessionaire to demand it must be provided for in a law. This means that a regulation or a simple administrative act is not enough.
  • Respect for constitutional rights and principles: like any law, the one establishing a PPNT can be challenged before the Constitutional Court through an unconstitutionality appeal or through a constitutional question raised by an ordinary judge. If a violation of the Constitution is found, the law or the affected part can be annulled, with the consequent disappearance of the payment obligation.
  • Material limits to normative delegation: when emergency regulations are used (for example, decree-laws), there are material limits on the matters that can be regulated and on the scope of intervention. It is not possible, through exceptional instruments, to unduly alter the balance between the legislator and the Executive in imposing patrimonial burdens.
3. Legal requirements and material limits

At the level of ordinary legality, several usual requirements that public non-tax patrimonial benefits must meet can be highlighted:

  • Clear definition of the fact generating the payment: the law must precisely specify what conduct, situation, or use of a service gives rise to the payment obligation, avoiding indeterminate concepts that undermine legal certainty.
  • Determination of the obligated subject: it must identify who bears the burden (service user, concessionaire, economic operator, etc.), without the Administration having discretionary power to choose the obligated parties.
  • Objective criteria to quantify the benefit: the amount and calculation method must be established or at least delimited by law through verifiable criteria (rates, modules, usage parameters, etc.), so that unlimited freedom is not left to the regulation to set the amount.
  • Justification of public interest: the benefit must respond to a legitimate public interest purpose (financing services, maintaining infrastructure, compensating public costs), avoiding its use as a mere revenue instrument disconnected from a specific public purpose.
  • Proportionality: the economic burden imposed must bear a reasonable relation to the cost of the service or the benefit obtained, or to the intensity of the public intervention intended to be financed. Disproportionate or arbitrary benefits may be declared contrary to the legal system.
4. Guarantees for obligated parties and judicial control

Those obligated to pay a PPNT have a set of guarantees similar to those existing in tax matters:

  • Information and transparency about the existence of the obligation, its amount, payment deadlines, and means of challenge.
  • Possibility to appeal the liquidation or enforcement acts before the Administration itself and then before ordinary courts.
  • Constitutional control of the enabling law, through the mechanisms already mentioned (appeal or constitutional question), when it is considered that the legal configuration of the benefit itself violates the Constitution.
  • Respect for procedural guarantees in management and collection (deadlines, notifications, review, prohibition of defenselessness).

In short, although public non-tax patrimonial benefits are not technically classified as taxes, they share with them subjection to the reservation of law, the principles of legal certainty and proportionality, and intense judicial control. Any design of this type of benefits must start from this guarantee logic to avoid risks of nullity and constitutional conflicts.

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