Where does the 'We are all caballas' shirt that Vinicius and Mbappé tried to hide come from

Based on the information available in the general press and in the Demócrata archive consulted during this same session, there is no clear reference to an articulated and publicly recognized campaign with the specific name “Todos somos caballas”. A very intense cycle of mobilizations in support of Ceuta is documented in 2026 (demonstrations on September 2, “Armada de la Solidaridad,” municipal gatherings convened by the FEMP, etc.), with slogans such as “Ceuta no se vende, Ceuta se defiende” or “Un caballa nunca se rinde,” but not a formal platform with that specific name. This suggests that if “Todos somos caballas” exists as a campaign, it is in a very initial phase or mainly functions as an informal citizen mobilization slogan, without its own institutional recognition yet.

That said, it is possible to explain what steps any citizen campaign of this type must follow to be officially recognized by public institutions, especially at the local or regional level.

1. Clarify the nature of the campaign

• Informal mobilization slogan: if “Todos somos caballas” is only a slogan used in gatherings, its “recognition” usually comes through mentions in institutional declarations, plenary resolutions, or speeches by public officials, but without its own legal structure.
• Stable platform or organization: if it is desired to be a recognizable entity (able to sign agreements, receive grants, be an interlocutor), it is advisable to provide it with some type of legal entity (usually, an association).

2. Constitute as a legal entity (if stable recognition is sought)

• Non-profit association: draft statutes, founding act, and submit them to the corresponding Registry (national or of the Autonomous City of Ceuta). This grants legal personality, tax ID, and capacity to formally relate with administrations.
• Informal platform: it is possible to operate without registration, but the margin for formal recognition is smaller (institutions may invite it to events or mention its work, but it will be more difficult to sign agreements or receive specific aid).
• If in the medium term it aspires to be a public utility association, Organic Law 1/2002 requires, among other requirements, several years of continuous and accredited activity benefiting the general interest.

3. Seek political-institutional recognition

For the campaign to be “recognized” by public institutions, the most common practical steps are:

• Institutional declarations or motions:
  • Promote, through political groups, an institutional declaration or a motion in the Assembly of Ceuta or in the City Council Plenary that:
    • Recognizes the legitimacy of the campaign's demands.
    • Echoes its slogan or objectives.
    • Invites other administrations to collaborate.
  • These declarations do not create subjective rights, but represent an explicit political recognition.
• Participation in citizen participation bodies:
  • Register, if there is an associative base, in the municipal/citizen registry of entities.
  • Request a seat in sectoral councils (on coexistence, immigration, citizen participation, etc.) where official dialogue with the social fabric is channeled.
• Agreements, grants, and programs:
  • Apply for public grants for projects linked to the campaign's purposes (coexistence, social cohesion, defense of rights, etc.).
  • Negotiate collaboration agreements with the Autonomous City or City Council regulating joint activities, space allocation, logistical support, etc.
  • These agreements can expressly include the campaign's name, which strengthens its institutional visibility.

4. Visibility and social legitimacy as leverage

In the current context, institutions tend to more easily recognize those initiatives that demonstrate:

• Broad citizen support (participation in events, support from neighborhood, cultural, religious entities, etc.).
• Cross-cutting nature (no clear partisan affiliation, presence of people from different neighborhoods and sensitivities).
• Respect for the legal framework and coexistence (peaceful mobilizations, inclusive messages).

5. What you can do in practice

• Decide if “Todos somos caballas” will be only a slogan or also a registered organization.
• If you choose to organize, constitute an association and register it within Ceuta's jurisdiction.
• Seek meetings with groups from the Assembly and City Council to promote a declaration of support that explicitly mentions the campaign.
• Request incorporation into participation bodies and calls for grants related to your objectives.

If you provide me with more details about how “Todos somos caballas” is exactly organized (WhatsApp group, association, network of collectives, etc.), I can tailor these steps into a very concrete plan adapted to your reality.

The Valencian Business Association (AVE) is, from a legal point of view, a private association of entrepreneurs subject to the general regime of Organic Law 1/2002, of March 22, regulating the Right of Association, and to the regional regulations that may be applicable regarding associations. This means that its competencies and powers are fundamentally determined by its internal statutes, always within the framework set by that organic law.

Organic Law 1/2002 generally recognizes associations a broad capacity for action. The basic competencies that Spanish legislation attributes to a business association like AVE are, in summary, the following:

• Freely define its purposes and activities, provided they are not unlawful nor violate fundamental rights (art. 2 and 7 LO 1/2002). In AVE's case, the publicly known purposes are oriented to represent and articulate the voice of Valencian entrepreneurs, promote strategic infrastructures such as the Mediterranean Corridor, foster economic development and competitiveness, and participate in public debate on regional financing, investments, taxation, etc.
• Organize its internal structure and operation through its own statutes (governing bodies, assemblies, presidency, committees, etc.), with no limits other than basic democratic principles and respect for the law. The law does not impose a closed model: the association decides which bodies it creates, how they are elected, and their functions.
• Act in representation of its members before public administrations, other business organizations, and public opinion. Legally, LO 1/2002 recognizes associations' capacity to appear in administrative procedures, participate in public consultations, submit allegations, and sign agreements or collaboration accords, insofar as their purposes are affected.
• Defend economic and professional interests. Business associations can:
  • Promote regulatory or public policy proposals that favor competitiveness and investment.
  • Exercise legitimate pressure (lobbying) before public powers, as an organized expression of interests, always respecting existing transparency and participation rules.
  • Coordinate with other organizations (e.g., CEV, CEOE, or territorial counterparts) for common positions.
• Carry out activities and projects to fulfill their purposes: studies, reports, organization of business conferences and forums, awareness campaigns (such as the #QuieroCorredor movement promoted by AVE), institutional missions, etc. The law allows all lawful activities directly related to their statutory purposes.
• Manage own economic resources: member fees, donations, sponsorships, and, eventually, grants or income derived from services. LO 1/2002 requires maintaining orderly accounting and presenting accounts to its members, and in certain cases, to the corresponding registry.
• Full legal capacity from its registration: it can contract, acquire goods and rights, litigate in defense of its interests or those of its members when provided by the statutes, and generally perform all acts necessary to fulfill its purpose.
• Voluntary membership admission and withdrawal, regulating in the statutes the admission requirements (in this case, being a prominent entrepreneur or executive in the Valencian Community) and causes for loss of membership, always respecting minimum guarantees (hearing, internal appeal, etc.).

Besides this general framework, Spanish legislation establishes certain limits and controls over associations:

• They cannot pursue unlawful purposes nor carry out activities constituting a crime.
• They are subject to possible judicial control in case of serious deviation from purposes, violation of fundamental rights, or express causes of dissolution.
• If they receive public funds or enter into agreements with administrations, they are subject to transparency, aid justification, and control obligations established by budgetary and subsidy regulations.

Regarding “institutional” powers, AVE is not a public body nor a chamber of commerce, so it does not have administrative powers or regulatory competencies. Its influence capacity derives from:

• Its representative legitimacy as an association composed of entrepreneurs of significant economic weight.
• Its participation in forums, commissions, and meetings with administrations (e.g., meetings with the Generalitat, the Government of Spain, or other business entities).
• Its capacity to mobilize the business fabric and civil society around certain causes (infrastructures, regional financing, productive model, etc.).

In summary, Spanish legislation does not confer the Valencian Business Association with its own “public competencies,” but rather a broad space of private autonomy to organize and act in defense of Valencian business interests, with full legal capacity, representation capacity, and influence on public policies, all within the general limits set by Organic Law 1/2002 and complementary regulations on associations and transparency.

I do not have the specialized information you are seeking about Ez Abde's professional and sports career before his time at Real Betis, as I am specifically designed to work with information on Spanish politics and institutions, not with sports or professional football data.

My scope includes, for example:

• Laws, decrees, and regulations approved in Spain (Congress, Senate, regional governments, BOE and regional bulletins), as well as their content and processing.
• Parliamentary activity: initiatives, questions, appearances, plenary and committee debates, votes, and positions of different groups.
• Government and public administrations: composition of ministries, state secretariats, directorates general, and other bodies, as well as their plans and public policies.
• Political and interest actors: profiles of public officials, parties, organizations, and their intervention in public and regulatory debate.
• Political and regulatory news in sectors such as energy, health, transport, housing, digitalization, education, etc., and how public decisions affect them.

If you want, I can help you analyze issues such as:

• How the Spanish political system works (Congress, Senate, regional governments, elections, government formation).
• What regulations apply to a specific sector (for example, professional sports, audiovisual, data protection, environment, consumer protection).
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• Summaries and explanations of laws, royal decree-laws, or other regulatory instruments.

If you reformulate your question towards something in that area (for example, the regulation of professional sports in Spain, public policies related to football clubs, or the treatment of sports in party programs), I will be happy to help you in detail.