Sánchez's two barns ahead of 29N: the PSOE would lose more seats in Andalusia and would only win in Catalonia

Eme, with the focus on the loss: The two biggest strongholds of the PSOE would contribute to Sánchez about five fewer deputies than on 23J: from 40 to 35, according to the average of the territorial data from Sigma Dos and SocioMétrica. In Andalusia, SocioMétrica doubles the PP’s lead from four to eight seats; in Catalonia, the PSC would still be first, but would lose two of its 19 deputies

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Elecciones 29N · Encuestas

La media de las encuestas

Media a 2 de noviembre de 2026 · 16 institutos

  • PP30,5 %
  • PSOE27,4 %
  • Vox19,1 %
  • Frente Amplio6,4 %
  • ERC2,4 %
  • Podemos2,4 %
010203040ene 2024jul 2024ene 2025jul 2025ene 2026jul 2026

Media del último estudio de cada instituto en 30 días y su evolución semanal desde el 23J. Partidos con al menos un 2 %.

Todas las encuestas

Elecciones generales del 29 de noviembre · Demócrata

The territorial average of polls places the socialists close to 19 deputies in Andalusia and 17 in Catalonia. The PSC would keep first place, while the Andalusian PSOE faces a double competition: the PP is disputing the victory with it and Adelante Andalucía aspires to enter Congress. The railway crisis touches the community closely because of Adamuz and because of the Madrid-Seville line, where the Urda accident occurred.

Andalusia and Catalonia delivered to Pedro Sánchez 40 of his 121 deputies in the elections of July 23, 2023. The paradox is that his largest granary was not the community where he won. The PSC prevailed in Catalonia and obtained 19 seats. The PSOE came second in Andalusia, behind the PP, but got 21 and saved the day by staying close to the populares. One in three socialist deputies came from these two territories.

What would the PSOE retain on 29N?

Demócrata has compared two of the studies that allow the socialists to be tracked in the same twelve provinces: the Sigma Dos map from October and the SocioMétrica breakdown published on November 2. The average yields 18.5 deputies in Andalusia and 16.75 in Catalonia: 35.25 in total, about 35 compared with the 40 of 23J. Andalusia would continue to contribute more representatives, but Catalonia would offer the PSOE something it would not have in its main granary: victory.

Andalusia: the PP pulls away, Vox closes in and Adelante seeks its own seats

SocioMétrica assigns the PP 26 of the 60 Andalusian deputies, compared with 18 for the PSOE, 14 for Vox and two for Adelante Andalucía. On 23J, the populares led the socialists by four seats, 25 to 21. Now they would take eight. Behind, the opposite happens: Vox, which finished twelve deputies behind the PSOE in 2023, would stand only four away. In this projection, Andalusia is the community where the socialists would lose the most seats compared with the last general elections: three.

The Sigma Dos map explains why the PSOE can lose Andalusia and still depend so much on it. In Seville it gave it four or five deputies, compared with four for the PP. In Málaga the relationship was reversed: five populares and three socialists. And in Almería the PP got three to one for the PSOE. Adding the eight provinces together, the socialists reached between 18 and 20 representatives. That estimate was published on October 19, before Urda: the Andalusian wear and tear was already appearing in the polls.

Adelante Andalucía introduces a dispute that is seen better on the provincial map than in the national percentage. Sigma Dos was giving it options of getting one deputy in Cádiz and another in Seville, with a range of zero to one in each province. These are precisely the two constituencies where it also left open the socialist result: two or three in Cádiz and four or five in Seville. SocioMétrica does assign two Andalusian seats to Adelante.

From Adamuz to Urda: why the railway crisis hits close to home in Andalucía

Adamuz is in Córdoba. Urda is in Toledo, but the accident of October 28 occurred on the Madrid-Seville high-speed line. For Andalucía, the link goes beyond the memory of the first incident. After the Urda collision, the high-speed connection with Madrid was interrupted and Renfe announced alternative transport. Two of the assistance points for those affected were set up in Andalusian stations: Santa Justa, in Seville, and Julio Anguita, in Córdoba. The Junta declared three days of official mourning.

There are, therefore, geographical and human reasons for railway safety to occupy its own place in the Andalusian campaign. What there is not is a measurement that allows it to be given a price in deputies. Sigma Dos carried out the interviews for its provincial map from October 1 to 14. SocioMétrica published its breakdown after Urda, but its tracking accumulates responses since September. The nearly five-seat difference shown by the average of both pools is calculated against the 2023 ballot boxes, not against the eve of the accident.

Catalonia: the PSC would remain first and the CEO still sees it as possible to repeat the 19 of 23J

In Catalonia, the question is different: how many deputies can the PSC lose without ceasing to win clearly? SocioMétrica grants it 17, eight more than ERC-Podemos, which would obtain nine. The PP would be third with eight, Vox and Junts would tie at six and the Frente Amplio would get two. Catalonia would be the only community in which the socialists would finish first in that poll.

Sigma Dos was arriving at a similar figure province by province: 11 socialist deputies in Barcelona, two in Girona, one or two in Lleida and two in Tarragona. In total, 16–17. The barometer of the Centre d'Estudis d'Opinió (CEO), carried out among 2,000 people in Catalonia, was more favorable: it attributed 18–19 to the PSC and 10–11 to ERC. Its fieldwork ended on October 5, before the closing of the alliances. If the CEO is added only to the Catalan comparison, the average rises from 16.75 to 17.3. The reading hardly changes: the PSC is around 17 deputies, although one of the three studies does consider that it may keep the 19 from 23J.

Can its two strongholds cost Sánchez the elections?

The five national polls published on November 1 and 2 place the PSOE between 24.6% and 26.6% of the vote. The Demócrata average is 25.7% and about 103 seats. That average serves as context, but to know how much the territorial setback weighs it is advisable to do the calculation within the same poll.

SocioMétrica makes this possible: of the 15 deputies that the PSOE would lose in Spain, five would correspond to its two strongholds, three in Andalucía and two in Catalonia. Even if it recovered the five and everything else remained the same, it would go from 106 to 111, still ten below the 121 of 2023. Andalucía and Catalonia explain a third of the decline that this house depicts. They also explain what Sánchez still retains: despite the losses, it would still obtain in both communities one in every three deputies of its group.

More key points, information and questions with FREN

AI-GENERATED CONTENT

What is the parliamentary process for the allocation of seats in the Congress of Deputies after a general election in Spain?

The allocation of seats after a general election is not decided by a vote in the Congress. Two phases must be distinguished: the electoral phase, in which the results are determined and the elected persons are proclaimed, and the parliamentary phase, in which these persons are accredited and the new Chamber is constituted.

1. Electoral distribution and proclamation of elected members

The official scrutiny, the allocation of seats to candidacies, and the proclamation of elected members correspond to the electoral Administration according to the Organic Law of the General Electoral Regime (LOREG). These are not procedures regulated by the Congress Rules nor decisions negotiated among parliamentary groups.

Therefore, when the parliamentary phase begins, the elected persons have already been proclaimed by the corresponding electoral body. The Congress does not carry out a new distribution of votes nor does it need to politically approve the electoral result.

2. Accreditation before the Congress

Article 20 of the Congress Rules requires three joint conditions to acquire full status as a deputy:

  • Submit to the General Secretariat the credential issued by the electoral Administration.
  • Complete the declaration of activities under the terms provided in the LOREG.
  • Take an oath or promise to abide by the Constitution at the first plenary session attended.

The electoral proclamation and the full acquisition of parliamentary status are, therefore, different moments. The Rules recognize rights and prerogatives from the proclamation; however, if three plenary sessions pass without completing these requirements, they cannot be exercised until fulfilled.

3. Holding the constitutive session

According to article 1, the new Congress meets on the date and time indicated in the royal decree of electoral call. Initially, the session is presided over by the oldest elected person present, assisted by the two youngest, who act as secretaries: this is called the Age Table.

At the opening of the session, the royal decree of call, the list of elected members, and any electoral contentious appeals filed are read, indicating which deputies could be affected. This allows distinguishing the proclaimed composition from possible changes resulting from a judicial ruling.

4. Election of the governing bodies

Next, the deputies elect the Congress Board, composed of the Presidency, four Vice Presidencies, and four Secretariats. This vote organizes the Chamber but does not assign the seats obtained in the elections.

To elect the Presidency, an absolute majority is required in the first vote. If no one achieves it, a second vote is held between the two most voted persons, and the one with more votes is elected. The Vice Presidencies and Secretariats are elected through separate votes for each set of four positions, writing one name per ballot.

5. Oath and constitution of the Congress

Once the Board is elected, the Presidency takes and requests the rest of the deputies to take the oath or promise to abide by the Constitution, by alphabetical call. Then declares the Congress constituted and communicates this constitution to the Crown, the Senate, and the Government.

The solemn opening session of the legislature is a subsequent act, different from this constitutive session.

6. Possible judicial modifications

A final ruling can annul an election or proclamation and cause the loss of deputy status. Also, if rulings on electoral appeals modify the ownership of more than 10% of the seats, article 36 requires electing the Board again once the new members are fully accredited.

In summary: the electoral Administration determines who is elected; the Congress accredits its members and organizes its functioning.

What specific competencies do the regional presidents of Andalusia and Catalonia have in electoral matters?

The presidents of Andalusia and Catalonia have as their main electoral competence to call elections to their respective parliaments and, in legally provided cases, to anticipate them by dissolving the Chamber. This capacity does not equate to directing the electoral administration: the electoral boards exercise guarantee functions independent of the regional executive.

1. Call, dissolution, and election date

In both territories, a distinction must be made between the political decision to anticipate elections and the mandatory call when the parliamentary term ends or a legal cause for dissolution occurs. The presidency acts within the statutory and electoral framework: it does not have unlimited freedom to call nor to alter the procedural rules.

  • Andalusia: the presidential call also determines aspects of the start of the new legislature. Article 1 of the Parliament Rules establishes that the constitutive session is held "on the day and time indicated in the Call Decree," according to article 104.3 of the Statute. This is a relevant attribution because it connects the electoral calendar with the functioning of the elected Chamber. The Andalusian Parliament Rules can be consulted.
  • Catalonia: the presidential faculty to dissolve the Parliament and call elections is expressly recognized in constitutional jurisprudence. The Ruling 90/2019 examines this competence by analyzing its exceptional exercise by the Government president during the application of article 155 of the Constitution. That case does not turn the Catalan call into an ordinary state competence.

The setting of the date must respect the corresponding legal deadlines. Therefore, the faculty to choose the political moment of the advance should not be confused with the possibility of establishing any interval between call and voting.

2. Catalonia: mandatory call due to investiture deadlock

In Catalonia, there is a particularly clear case of mandatory presidential action: if two months pass from the first investiture vote without electing a president, the Parliament is automatically dissolved.

As stated in the Ruling 52/2019, article 4.6 of Catalan Law 13/2008 provides that the acting president of the Generalitat immediately calls elections, which must be held between forty and sixty days after the call. Here, the president does not freely decide whether it is convenient to repeat them: he executes a legal consequence of the investiture failure.

3. Electoral administration: competencies that are not presidential

Neither the Andalusian nor the Catalan president replaces the electoral boards in guaranteeing the transparency, objectivity, and equality of the process. Nor should the material organization of elections be confused with the independent resolution of electoral claims.

The Ruling 152/2024 describes an administration composed of the Central Electoral Board, provincial and district boards, and, when they exist, regional boards. The Ruling 154/1988 admits that communities regulate particularities and create a regional board, but that does not assign its direction to the president.

4. Scope of the comparison

The fundamental coincidence is the presidential competence over the regional call, not over state elections. For Andalusia, Ruling 40/2011 also confirms the coexistence of its own electoral legislation and applicable state provisions. The sources consulted do not allow specifying here all the limits of the advance nor exhaustively comparing the attributions over regional boards.

What was Pedro Sánchez's political trajectory and party before becoming Prime Minister of Spain?

Pedro Sánchez belonged to the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) before becoming Prime Minister in June 2018. His trajectory included socialist membership, the Madrid City Council, the Congress of Deputies, and the national party leadership, which he headed in two stages before reaching La Moncloa.

Affiliation and early political steps

Sánchez joined the PSOE in 1993, at 21 years old. Before holding elected positions, he worked as an advisor in the European Parliament and was part of the cabinet of the United Nations High Representative for Bosnia and Herzegovina. These experiences constituted his first professional approach to the international political and institutional field, according to his official biography.

His activity within the Madrid socialist organization preceded his jump to institutions. In 2000, he participated as a delegate in the XXXV Federal Congress of the PSOE, in which José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero was elected secretary general. This was one of his first milestones within the party's federal structure, as recorded in the El País chronology.

Councilor and deputy for Madrid

Between 2004 and 2009, he was a councilor of the Madrid City Council. He entered the council in May 2004 to fill the vacancy of Elena Arnedo and continued after the 2007 municipal elections. His municipal experience developed in the socialist group, from opposition to the city government (El País, June 2018).

In September 2009, he entered the Congress of Deputies for Madrid, replacing Pedro Solbes. He initially did not obtain a seat in the November 2011 general elections, so his first parliamentary stage was interrupted. He returned in January 2013, occupying the vacancy of Cristina Narbona. His institutional rise, therefore, included two entries to Congress by substitution (El País, June 2018).

First PSOE leadership and investiture attempt

In July 2014, he won the membership consultation and succeeded Alfredo Pérez Rubalcaba as PSOE secretary general. From that responsibility, he led the opposition to Mariano Rajoy's Government (La Moncloa biography).

He headed the socialist candidacies in the December 2015 and June 2016 general elections. After the 2015 elections, he tried to form a Government through an agreement with Ciudadanos but failed to pass the investiture votes in March 2016. That failed attempt preceded the repeat election and an internal PSOE crisis (BBC Mundo profile).

Resignation, return, and arrival at the Presidency

In October 2016, he resigned as secretary general after losing a vote in the Federal Committee, amid conflict over the PSOE's position on Rajoy's investiture. Later, he also resigned his seat to avoid participating in the decision that facilitated that investiture (20minutos review).

In May 2017, he regained leadership by winning the primaries against Susana Díaz and Patxi López. His second stage at the head of the PSOE was formalized in June. Therefore, immediately before reaching the Government, he was socialist secretary general but had left his deputy seat in 2016 (El País, June 2018).

Finally, the motion of no confidence against Rajoy succeeded on June 1, 2018, and Sánchez took office the next day. Thus, he reached the Presidency after a municipal, parliamentary, and PSOE leadership trajectory (La Moncloa profile).

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How many seats would the PSOE approximately obtain in Andalusia and Catalonia according to the average of the cited polls?

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Which party would maintain the first position in Catalonia according to the mentioned polls?

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What event has especially impacted the Andalusian campaign regarding railway safety?

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