Digital Power

Vox leads the Digital Power of the parties and Se Acabó la Fiesta is only 2.8 points behind PSOE after Urda

Santiago Abascal's party leads Demócrata's Poder Digital ranking with 79 points, followed by the PSOE and Se Acabó la Fiesta, which surpasses the PP and completes the podium. Frente Amplio and Podemos occupy fifth and sixth place, respectively, in a ranking prepared by Vinces that measures the presence and influence of the parties on social networks, but not their voting intention

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By Demócrata

Published

31 OCT, 2026 - 12:39

Last updated

31 OCT, 2026 - 12:39

8 minutes

The digital race of the political parties ahead of the general elections next November 29 presents a ranking different from the one reflected in their institutional representation. Vox leads the Poder Digital ranking with 79 points out of 100, followed by the PSOE, with 76.7, and Se Acabó la Fiesta (SALF), with 73.9, according to the data from the tool developed by Vinces and available on Demócrata.

The formation of Santiago Abascal manages to place itself 2.3 points ahead of the Socialists, while the party led by Alvise Pérez reaches third place and surpasses the Partido Popular, which occupies fourth place with 71.8 points. The distance between SALF and the PSOE is only 2.8 points, a result that reflects the position of Alvise's party within the digital competition, despite having a considerably smaller organizational structure than that of the main national parties.

The ranking is completed, among the first six formations, by Frente Amplio, which reaches 71.2 points, and Podemos, with 69.7. The data correspond to a consultation carried out after the serious railway accident in Urda (Toledo), at a moment of special political intensity and less than a month before the general elections.

However, the scores do not allow concluding that the accident has digitally benefited or harmed any formation. The panel shows the position of the parties in the indicator, but does not offer variations with respect to a previous measurement that would make it possible to identify rises or falls linked to the events of recent days.

Vox heads the Poder Digital ranking and leads the PSOE by 2.3 points

Vox is in first place with a score of 79 out of 100, which makes the formation chaired by Santiago Abascal the best positioned party within this digital influence ranking.

The lead over the PSOE, second with 76.7 points, is 2.3, while the gap increases to 5.1 points over Se Acabó la Fiesta and reaches 7.2 over the Partido Popular.

The leadership of Vox corresponds to the measurement of its activity as a political organization and must be distinguished from the individual results of its representatives. The party's score is not equivalent to that of Santiago Abascal, in the same way that the PSOE's 76.7 points should not be confused with Pedro Sánchez's personal results in the rankings of leaders.

This difference makes it possible to analyze two dimensions of political communication. On the one hand, the ability of organizations to maintain an active presence and generate conversation on social media. On the other, the digital influence of their leaders and representatives, which may follow a different evolution.

A leader may generate a high level of activity on their personal profiles without their party achieving an equivalent score. The opposite situation may also occur, when a party manages to maintain a prominent digital presence through its institutional accounts and the different members of its structure.

Therefore, Vox's first place does not mean that Abascal necessarily leads the individual ranking of candidates, nor does it allow us to establish that his party is the one that enjoys the greatest electoral support among citizens.

Se Acabó la Fiesta overtakes the PP and is 2.8 points behind the PSOE

One of the most notable results of the panel is the third place of Se Acabó la Fiesta, the party led by Alvise Pérez, which obtains 73.9 points and manages to place itself ahead of the Partido Popular.

Alvise's party is 2.8 points behind the PSOE and 2.1 points ahead of the populars, a difference that reflects how digital competition can present a different order from the one that might be expected when observing the size of organizational structures or the institutional trajectory of the parties.

The contrast is especially evident in the tool's team section. While the PP has 638 measured profiles out of a total of 997 associated with its structure, Se Acabó la Fiesta presents five analyzed profiles out of the six that appear linked to the party.

Despite this difference, SALF achieves a main score of 73.9 points, compared with the Partido Popular's 71.8. The result shows that a much smaller digital structure can obtain a higher position within an indicator that combines different dimensions of activity and interaction.

However, this comparison requires caution. The scores do not allow us to affirm that SALF has more potential voters than the PP, that its messages necessarily reach more citizens, or that its electoral mobilization capacity is greater.

Nor can it be concluded that Se Acabó la Fiesta has overtaken the Partido Popular as a result of the Urda railway accident, since the data consulted do not include a historical evolution that allows identifying when that change in positions occurred.

What the ranking does reflect is that, in the available measurement, Alvise’s formation occupies third place and is less than three points behind the socialists.

Frente Amplio is six-tenths behind the PP and Podemos occupies sixth position

The difference between the Partido Popular and Frente Amplio is one of the narrowest in the ranking. The populares register 71.8 points, while the alliance obtains 71.2, so barely six-tenths separate fourth and fifth place.

For its part, Podemos appears sixth with 69.7 points, 1.5 points behind Frente Amplio and 2.1 behind the PP. The purple formation is also 4.2 points behind Se Acabó la Fiesta, which occupies third place.

These margins allow the existing differences between the organizations to be interpreted with greater precision. While Vox leads the PSOE by 2.3 points, the distance between the PP and Frente Amplio is only 0.6 points, which reveals that consecutive positions do not necessarily represent differences of the same magnitude.

The ranking also reflects a heterogeneous distribution of scores among formations from different political spaces. Vox occupies first place, the PSOE appears second, SALF is third and the PP is fourth, while Frente Amplio and Podemos complete the first six positions.

This order offers a reference for how the parties stand within the Digital Power indicator, but it should not be interpreted as a ranking of electoral strength nor as an estimate of the seat distribution of 29N.

The PP surpasses the PSOE and Vox in the digital indicator of its teams

The Digital Power tool incorporates, in addition to each party’s main score, a specific section called "Su equipo", which makes it possible to observe the activity and results associated with the profiles of the people linked to the different organizations.

In this category, the order changes with respect to the main ranking. The Partido Popular obtains the highest score among the first six formations, with 71.8 points, followed by the PSOE, which reaches 68.3, and Vox, which records 61.1.

Se Acabó la Fiesta appears with 57 points in its team indicator, while Podemos obtains 53 and Frente Amplio is immediately behind, with 52.7.

The comparison is especially significant because it shows that the party that leads the general ranking is not necessarily the one that obtains the best results among its members. Vox heads the main indicator, while the PP presents the highest team score within the analyzed group.

The difference is also observed in the number of profiles included. The PSOE has 455 measured profiles out of 790 associated with its organization, compared with PP’s 638 out of 997. Vox has 148 analyzed profiles out of a total of 225. The figures are considerably smaller in other formations. Frente Amplio presents 20 measured profiles out of 46, Podemos has 25 out of 78 and Se Acabó la Fiesta records five out of six.

These differences in coverage are important for contextualizing the scores. The analyzed teams do not have an identical size nor do they represent equivalent organizational structures, so their results must be interpreted taking into account the scope of the measurement.

The main conclusion is that the digital influence of a party and that of the profiles linked to its organization constitute different dimensions, although both are part of its presence on social media.

What the ranking of the parties reflects after the Urda train accident

The update is being consulted at a particularly delicate moment for Spanish politics. The Urda train accident, which occurred on Wednesday, October 28, has placed the management of the tragedy and institutional responsibilities at the center of public debate, altering the parties’ agendas in the middle of the pre-campaign for the general elections.

In that context, social networks have become one of the main spaces for the circulation of messages, political statements and citizen reactions. However, the Poder Digital panel does not allow us to determine what part of the scores responds to the conversation generated after the accident.

The available data also do not show variations compared with a previous measurement. Therefore, it would not be rigorous to present Vox’s lead as a consequence of criticism of the Government, nor to interpret the PSOE’s second place as a digital punishment for the railway tragedy.

https://www.democrata.es/politicos/poder-digital/partidos

Likewise, the third position of Se Acabó la Fiesta does not allow us to state that its party has experienced a specific growth over the last few days.

To verify these hypotheses, it would be necessary to analyze the posts disseminated by the different formations before and after October 28, the interactions received, and the evolution of their scores in comparable measurements.

In addition, a post that generates numerous responses is not necessarily receiving support. Interactions may reflect support, rejection, controversy, or debate, so the amount of conversation does not automatically equate to an improvement in public image.

What is Poder Digital de Demócrata and how does it calculate the influence of the parties

Poder Digital is a technological tool developed by Vinces whose data Demócrata publishes through a strategic alliance. Its purpose is to offer a comparable reference on the presence and capacity for connection of leaders, political parties, institutions, and other public actors on social networks.

The platform uses a scale of 0 to 100 points and analyzes public information from four networks: X, Instagram, LinkedIn and TikTok.

The indicator is constructed from the so-called RIO formula, which combines three main components:

Regularity: measures the consistency with which a profile publishes content and maintains its digital activity.
Interactions: analyzes the response generated by the publications and user participation.
Originality: values the production of original content and the ability to provide information or open conversations.

Vinces's general methodology examines up to 30 posts from the last 60 days and updates the rankings weekly. It also incorporates adjustments intended to prevent isolated episodes of virality from excessively distorting the results.

This system makes it possible to observe aspects of digital activity that go beyond the number of followers. A formation with a smaller community can obtain a notable score if it maintains a constant presence and generates relevant interactions within the analyzed platforms.

For this reason, Poder Digital is not an electoral poll or a tool designed to anticipate results at the ballot box, but rather an indicator of the activity and capacity for connection of organizations in the digital environment.

The digital race of 29N: Vox first, PSOE second and SALF third

The ranking available after the Urda accident leaves Vox in the lead with 79 points, PSOE in second place with 76.7 and Se Acabó la Fiesta in third place with 73.9. PP occupies fourth place, followed by Frente Amplio and Podemos.

The result places Alvise Pérez's formation ahead of the populars and less than three points behind the socialists, while Vox maintains an advantage of 2.3 points over the party led by Pedro Sánchez.

In parallel, PP stands out in the teams indicator, where it surpasses the other five formations analyzed, despite finishing fourth in the main ranking.

The photograph offers a reference for tracking the digital presence of the parties in the weeks leading up to 29N, but it does not by itself allow the causes of their results to be identified or the behavior of citizens at the ballot box to be anticipated.

Digital influence and electoral support respond to different measurements. The first can be analyzed through the activity and interactions of social networks; the second requires representative surveys and, finally, the official results of the general elections.

More key points, information and questions with FREN

AI-GENERATED CONTENT

What are the parliamentary procedures required for calling general elections in Spain?

The calling of general elections does not generally require an authorization vote from the Congress or the Senate. The procedures vary depending on whether it is the ordinary end of the term, an early dissolution, or a repeat election due to a failed investiture. Parliamentary involvement is especially relevant in the latter case.

1. Ordinary end of the term

When the term of the Chambers expires, it is not necessary for them to approve their own termination or a specific law to hold elections. The call is formalized through the corresponding royal decree, with the intervention of the Government and the King according to the constitutional framework.

Therefore, there is no mandatory parliamentary debate on the call. The decision and formalization of the elections must be distinguished from the subsequent procedures to constitute the new Chambers.

2. Early dissolution at the initiative of the president

The route of Article 115 of the Constitution corresponds to the president of the Government. The dissolution proposal is made after deliberation of the Council of Ministers and under the president's responsibility; the King formalizes the dissolution by decree.

The Congress does not have to approve this proposal. It is also not necessary to obtain a prior favorable parliamentary majority, lose a vote of confidence, or submit the decision to the Permanent Deputation. The deliberation of the Council of Ministers is a governmental procedure, not parliamentary.

This route must be distinguished from the mandatory dissolution due to investiture deadlock: in the former there is a presidential initiative; in the latter, the consequence is determined by the passage of the constitutional period.

3. Call due to impossibility of investiture

Here there is indeed a decisive parliamentary sequence, set out in Articles 170 to 172 of the Congress Regulations:

Upon receiving the proposal for the Presidency of the Government candidacy, the Presidency of the Congress calls the Plenary.
The candidate presents their program, requests the confidence of the Chamber, and debates with parliamentary groups.
The first vote requires an absolute majority. If not reached, another vote is held forty-eight hours later, where a simple majority suffices.
If confidence is still not obtained, successive candidacy proposals may be processed.

The decisive point is that two months pass from the first investiture vote without any candidacy obtaining confidence. The count does not start from the elections nor from the constitution of the Congress.

According to Article 172.2, the Presidency of the Congress submits the dissolution decree of the General Courts and the call for elections to the King's signature and communicates it to the Presidency of the Senate. No additional vote is needed to agree on this dissolution.

4. Role of the Permanent Deputation

It does not call or authorize elections. Its function is to guarantee parliamentary continuity within specific competencies. After dissolution or expiration of the term, it assumes the Congress's powers over decree-laws and states of alarm, exception, and siege, according to Article 57 of the Regulations.

Its members maintain their functions until the constitution of the new Chamber. Afterwards, it reports to the new Plenary on the matters dealt with and decisions made; it does not replace the Congress to invest a president.

5. Exceptional case and subsequent actions

There is also dissolution linked to the aggravated constitutional reform procedure: Article 147 of the Regulations contemplates communication to the Government after approval by two-thirds of both Chambers to formalize it.

Finally, after the elections, the new Congress meets on the day and time indicated in the royal decree of the call, elects its Board, and is constituted. These are subsequent actions, not prior authorizations to go to the polls.

What powers and functions does Santiago Abascal have as president of Vox according to the party's statutes?

Santiago Abascal, as president of Vox, has functions of representation, general direction, and coordination of the party, as well as responsibilities to execute the decisions of its internal bodies. These attributions are organic: they do not grant him powers over public administrations nor should they be confused with those corresponding to a parliamentary position.

The reference is the text of the statutes published by Vox, identified as the 2023 version amended on October 2 of that year. To understand the scope of the position, it is advisable to separate the president's own powers from the decisions that correspond to collegiate bodies.

Representation and direction of the party

General representation. The president represents Vox before authorities, entities, institutions, courts, and individuals. This allows him to act on behalf of the organization in its external relations, both legal and political. Representing the party before an institution does not mean exercising authority over it.
Presidency of internal bodies. He presides over the National Executive Committee, known as CEN, and any other party body of which he is a member. Therefore, his position is not limited to public spokesperson: it also includes presiding over internal decision-making spaces.
Superior direction and coordination. He is responsible for directing and coordinating Vox's general action. This is the statutory basis of his political leadership, which must be exercised within the distribution of powers established by the statutes themselves.

Execution of agreements and internal functioning

Making agreements effective. He must take the necessary measures to execute what has been agreed by the CEN, the Political Action Committee, the Management Committee, and other bodies of which he is a member. This function distinguishes between adopting a collective decision and ensuring its fulfillment.
Issuing orders and instructions. He can issue instructions on the internal functioning of the party. This is an organizational management capacity but must be exercised according to the statutes and respecting the powers attributed to other bodies.
Instrumental powers. He has the necessary powers to fulfill his statutory responsibilities. This provision facilitates the exercise of his functions but does not turn the presidency into an unlimited authorization to replace other bodies.

International relations, foundation, and elections

The consulted information also identifies three specific responsibilities of the presidency: exercising international representation of Vox, with the possibility of delegating it; directing the party's relationship with the Disenso Foundation; and appointing the general electoral representative, responsible for acting on behalf of the party in procedures related to the presentation of candidacies.

It is advisable to clarify the scope of this last attribution: appointing the general electoral representative does not by itself equate to having exclusive competence to decide all candidacies. Nor does directing the relationship with Disenso automatically identify the party president's powers with those of the foundation's bodies.

What limits does his authority have?

The conclusion is that Abascal holds a central position of direction and representation, but presiding does not mean deciding everything unilaterally. He must respect the powers of collegiate bodies and execute their agreements when appropriate.

A concrete example is the calling of extraordinary assemblies: this corresponds to the CEN, by its own decision or at the written request of at least 20% of full members, as noted by Demócrata on the statutes. Therefore, not every Vox decision should be automatically attributed to the president: each power must be linked to the body to which the statutes assign it.

What was the result of the Popular Party in the last general elections and how many deputies did it obtain?

The Popular Party obtained 137 deputies in the last general elections held in Spain, on July 23, 2023. It was the most voted candidacy, with 8,160,837 votes, approximately 33.1%, but did not reach the absolute majority in Congress. The result of 137 seats is recorded in the Demócrata electoral comparison.

Main figures

To interpret the result, it is advisable to distinguish three data points: the votes received, the percentage they represented, and the seats obtained in Congress. These are different ways to describe the same election but should not be confused with each other:

Votes: 8,160,837 ballots in favor of the PP.
Percentage: approximately 33.1% of the vote, that is, about one in three votes.
Deputies: 137 of the 350 seats in Congress.

These figures describe the electoral result of July 2023, not a forecast for a subsequent call. The relevant reference for your question is, therefore, the number of representatives the party actually obtained at the polls: 137. You can also consult information on general election results.

What did those 137 deputies mean?

The 137 seats corresponded to approximately 39.1% of the seats in Congress: this proportion results from dividing 137 by 350. It should not be confused with the 33.1% of the vote mentioned earlier. The percentage of votes and the percentage of parliamentary representation are two different measures; one counts electoral support and the other, seats in the Chamber.

The absolute majority was set at 176 deputies. Therefore, the PP was short by 39 seats to reach it with its own representation. The difference is obtained by subtracting its 137 deputies from the 176 needed. Thus, being the candidacy with the most seats did not mean having more than half of the Chamber.

Position relative to other candidacies

The final distribution allows placing the PP's result alongside the other three candidacies with the highest number of deputies. This is not a poll or an estimate, but the seats obtained in that election:

The PP obtained 137 deputies.
The PSOE obtained 121 deputies.
Vox obtained 33 deputies.
Sumar obtained 31 deputies.

These four figures appear in the 23-J result balance. The PP's advantage over the PSOE was, therefore, 16 seats. This difference explains its first position in representation but does not alter the 39-seat gap from the absolute majority.

Electoral victory and government formation

The PP won the elections but did not manage to gather the necessary support to form a government, as Demócrata recalls about the 2023 precedent. This distinction is important: the electoral result indicates how many representatives each candidacy obtained; the possibility of governing also depends on the parliamentary support it can gather.

In short, the direct answer is: the Popular Party was the most voted in the general elections of July 23, 2023, and obtained 137 deputies. Its result was around 33.1% of the votes and fell short of the 176 seats needed for an absolute majority.

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