The EU subscribes to "Frontex Prime" to respond within 24 hours to crises like that of Ceuta.

Brussels seeks to turn Frontex into the operational arm of its migration policy and to anticipate situations of the instrumentalization of migration at the external borders with a new rapid action force.

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Elecciones 29N · Encuestas

La media de las encuestas

Media a 27 de octubre de 2026 · 15 institutos

  • PP31,0 %
  • PSOE27,3 %
  • Vox18,9 %
  • Sumar6,3 %
  • Podemos2,9 %
  • ERC2,3 %
010203040ene 2024jul 2024ene 2025jul 2025ene 2026jul 2026

Media del último estudio de cada instituto en 30 días y su evolución semanal desde el 23J. Partidos con al menos un 2 %.

Todas las encuestas

Elecciones generales del 29 de noviembre · Demócrata

There are moments when the delivery person is delayed. The package does not arrive. Your order is close to cooling down and the plan devised for dinner ends up frustrated. By the time it arrives at your door, there is no longer any hunger. After that, the claim takes even longer to process. Time passes, you end up forgetting, and you repeat the choreography, opening the door for it to happen again. Or not. Brussels claims to have learned the lesson and has reinforced Frontex's mandate to act urgently in crisis situations.

The European Commission has replicated the model of those users who decide to subscribe to the premium version of their services to receive packages in "24 hours." The community executive has created a rapid reaction force that will be part of Frontex's permanent body to respond to emergencies, crisis situations, or attempts to instrumentalize migration at the external borders of the European Union.

The response will consist of agents from this body in a state of constant alert, trained and equipped to deploy within a maximum period of 24 hours. However, its deployment will be decided by the executive director of Frontex after receiving the request from the affected member state, with an initial duration of up to one month. If the crisis situation that prompted the call extends, a joint operation or a conventional rapid intervention may be activated.

Frontex, the operational arm of the EU

In essence, what the cabinet of the Commissioner for Home Affairs and Migration, Magnus Brunner, seeks with this proposal is to turn Frontex into the central operational arm of the EU for border protection and returns. Along with the new rapid reaction force, an online monitoring and response center will be created to monitor public social networks against possible threats. In addition, there is an obligation to report serious incidents through the EUROSUR network in less than 24 hours. "We want Frontex to be there in hours, not weeks!" the commissioner has argued.

This reform practically redefines the agency's actions outside the territory of the Union. It leaves behind mere technical advice to give way to direct intervention. Just as delivery companies tend to expand their scope of action, incorporating shipments to third countries, Brussels wants to extend Frontex's operational capabilities beyond its borders.

European Commission
European Commission -

Brunner defends that "protecting the external borders is a fundamental task for any State." "It is an indispensable condition to safeguard our freedoms and our security and, therefore, to keep EU citizens safe," he justified this Tuesday before the press in Brussels.

Return operations between third countries

Until now, Frontex could only offer training and technical assistance to third countries through work arrangements. With this new regulation, the agency is empowered to organize and execute return operations from one third country to another third country.

In addition, the international agreements signed between the EU and third countries, which previously were limited to border management, may formally include return operations. Now it is about "carrying out returns from third countries to other third countries," detail community sources, who point to the possibility of signing international agreements "that are in the interest of the EU."

To connect all the administrative flow between national, European, and third country authorities, the proposal establishes a common architecture. Thus, each member state must operate a return case management system within a maximum period of four years, with the aim of facilitating administrative and operational coordination among the various authorities involved.

"We must be the ones who decide who can enter the EU, who can stay, and who must leave," stated the head of Interior of the community bloc.

Monitoring of social networks enters Frontex's mandate

Without directly mentioning Ceuta, the Austrian leader wanted to focus on those "member states facing exceptional situations," such as hybrid threats, irregular mass arrivals, online disinformation, or the instrumentalization of migration.

In his view, the EU "must learn the lesson," which is why he proposes that Frontex have the capacity to detect "dangerous trends in advance." "It will have the explicit mandate to monitor social networks for content that endangers people," he assured.

The new mandate of Frontex to supervise publicly accessible social media content, with the aim of identifying risks preventively, will also serve to flag those contents that are considered illegal.

In this way, and under the framework of the Digital Services Act (DSA, for its acronym in English), the agency will be able to request the competent national authorities to issue legal removal orders directed at digital platforms. Therefore, it is not about attributing to Frontex a direct capacity to remove publications, but rather about reinforcing its role in detecting possible threats and activating the mechanisms provided for in community regulations.

Beyond the removal of illegal content, this supervision seeks to anticipate the response of the authorities to the circulation of false information on social networks, especially when it may contribute to triggering or exacerbating crisis situations at external borders.

The next step: the reform of asylum procedures

With the crisis in Ceuta as a backdrop, the EU thus doubles down on its commitment to tighten its migration policies and strengthen the management of the return of migrants in irregular situations. The reform of Frontex constitutes another piece of this roadmap, which aims to equip the agency with greater capabilities for anticipation, intervention, and coordination with national and third-country authorities.

The details of the reform of the asylum procedures that Brunner's team is also working on are still pending. "We plan to do the same with our asylum procedures," community sources acknowledge, anticipating that the review of Frontex's mandate will not be the last modification of the European migration framework. With this roadmap, the community executive confirms its commitment to accelerate response mechanisms in exceptional situations and strengthen border control.

More key points, information and questions with FREN

AI-GENERATED CONTENT

What is the status of the parliamentary processing of the reform of asylum procedures in the European Union?

The European legislative processing of the main reform of asylum procedures has already concluded. As of October 28, 2026, Regulation (EU) 2024/1348 is approved, published, and has been in force since June 12, 2026. Subsequent reforms on safe countries of origin and safe third countries have also been approved: the current phase is fundamentally national implementation and adaptation.

1. The Asylum Procedure Regulation: definitively approved

The central piece is Regulation (EU) 2024/1348, dated May 14, 2024, which establishes a common procedure for granting and withdrawing international protection and replaces Directive 2013/32/EU. It is part of the Pact on Migration and Asylum, composed of ten legislative instruments.

The main milestones of its approval were:

  • December 20, 2023: political agreement between the negotiators of the European Parliament and the Council on the core files of the Pact.
  • February 8, 2024: representatives of the Member States endorsed the agreement with the Parliament, according to the Council communication.
  • April 10, 2024: approval of the legislative package by the European Parliament.
  • May 14, 2024: formal adoption by the Council, completing legislative approval.
  • May 22, 2024: publication in the Official Journal of the European Union; entry into force on June 11, 2024.
  • June 12, 2026: start of application, after the preparation period.

Therefore, it is not pending a new parliamentary vote nor negotiations between institutions to approve its original version. It is important to distinguish the entry into force in 2024 from the start of application in 2026.

2. Subsequent amendments have also progressed to approval

The reform did not end with the 2024 text. During 2025, amendments were promoted to accelerate certain procedures and review criteria related to safe countries.

  • Safe countries of origin: Parliament and Council reached a provisional agreement on December 18, 2025 on the first common European list. It includes Bangladesh, Colombia, Egypt, India, Kosovo, Morocco, and Tunisia, as well as candidate countries subject to exceptions.
  • Safe third countries: both institutions also agreed on December 18, 2025 to revise the conditions for declaring an application inadmissible when the person can receive effective protection in a non-EU country considered safe for them.

These agreements should no longer be described as pending ratification: the Council announced their definitive adoption on February 23, 2026. Their general application began on June 12, 2026, except for certain provisions that could be anticipated.

3. What remains to be developed

The focus is on Member States adapting their authorities, resources, and procedures: registration of applications, interviews, appeals, reception capacity, and border procedures. The new framework harmonizes these actions and incorporates safeguards for minors and vulnerable persons, as explained by the European Commission.

There is also a transition between files: applications prior to June 12, 2026 may still be subject to the previous regime. The conclusion is that European approval is closed; what continues is national implementation, without confusing it with other migration initiatives, such as the reform of return rules.

What are the powers and functions of the European Commissioner for Home Affairs and Migration according to EU law?

The position of European Commissioner responsible for Home Affairs and Migration is not described as such by name in the Treaties, but its powers derive from three legal elements of “EU law”: the Treaties (TFEU and TEU), the general statute of the Commission as a collegiate body, and the internal decision of the Commission President that allocates portfolios. From there, its material functions are defined in the areas of home affairs, security, and migration policies.

1. General framework: what a commissioner can do according to the Treaties

The Treaty on European Union (art. 17 TEU) and the Treaty on the Functioning of the EU regulate the Commission as a body:

  • Almost exclusive legislative initiative at EU level: the Commission proposes regulations, directives, and decisions, which are then adopted by the European Parliament and the Council.
  • Guardian of the Treaties: ensures that Member States comply with EU law and can initiate infringement procedures before the Court of Justice.
  • Management and execution of policies and budget: applies EU law and implements European programs and funds.
  • External representation within its sphere of competence, where the Treaties assign that role to the Commission.

Each commissioner shares these general functions but specializes in a material area. The allocation of portfolios is made by the Commission President through an internal decision (not a Treaty, but a legal act organizing the institution). Therefore, the Commissioner for Home Affairs and Migration exercises these general powers in the matters that the Treaties assign to the Union in freedom, security and justice, borders, and migration.

2. Material basis of their powers: area of freedom, security and justice

The reference legislation is in Title V of the TFEU (“Area of freedom, security and justice”):

  • Articles 77 to 80 TFEU – Border controls, asylum and immigration:
    • Establish a common policy on visas and other short-term permits.
    • Manage external borders (including cooperation with Frontex and other agencies, although these are regulated by specific regulations).
    • Develop a common European asylum system: rules on refugee status recognition, subsidiary protection, procedures, and reception.
    • Regulate conditions of entry, residence and rights of third-country nationals, including legal immigration and integration measures.
    • Promote the fight against irregular immigration and human trafficking, as well as return and readmission mechanisms.
  • Articles 82 to 87 TFEU – Judicial and police cooperation in criminal matters:
    • Limited harmonization of criminal and procedural rules in serious cross-border crimes (terrorism, organized crime, trafficking, sexual exploitation, etc.).
    • Judicial cooperation instruments (such as the European arrest warrant) and mutual recognition mechanisms of criminal decisions.
    • Police cooperation, information exchange and operational coordination at EU level, including the legal framework of Europol.

In practice, the Commissioner for Home Affairs and Migration is the political responsible within the Commission to propose, develop and execute EU legislation and policies based on these articles.

3. Specific functions of the Commissioner for Home Affairs and Migration

Based on this framework, their typical powers and functions are:

  • Legislative drive:
    • Prepare and present proposals for regulations and directives on asylum, immigration, border management, visas, police cooperation and fight against serious crimes.
    • Lead public consultations, impact assessments and dialogues with Member States and stakeholders preceding those proposals.
  • Execution of legislation and financial programs:
    • Apply regulations already in force (information systems such as SIS, Eurodac, VIS; rules on the common European asylum system, etc.).
    • Manage EU funds in its area (for example, funds for asylum, migration and integration, or for border management and internal security), including approval of national programs and supervision of their execution.
  • Supervision of Member States’ compliance:
    • Check whether directives on asylum and immigration and rules on borders and internal security are correctly transposed and applied.
    • Propose to the Commission the opening of infringement procedures against States that breach EU law in these fields.
  • Relationship with EU agencies:
    • Politically guide agencies such as Frontex, Europol, the European Union Agency for Asylum or the Agency for Large-Scale IT Systems, within the framework of the regulations governing them.
    • Present work programs and reports of these agencies to the European Parliament and the Council.
  • Political representation and negotiation:
    • Represent the Commission in the Council of Ministers for Home Affairs and Justice (JHA Council) and in dialogues with Parliament during legislative trilogues.
    • Lead the home dimension of international agreements on readmission, police cooperation, border management or visas, in coordination with other commissioners and the High Representative.

In summary, according to EU law the European Commissioner for Home Affairs and Migration exercises the general functions of any commissioner (legislative initiative, execution, compliance supervision) applied to the area of freedom, security and justice, with a special focus on border controls, asylum, immigration and internal security. Their powers are not personal but those of the Commission as a whole, but they act as the political and operational head of that area within the college.

Can you detail which specific articles of the TFEU underpin the EU's competences in asylum and immigration? How does the Commissioner for Home Affairs and Migration coordinate with Frontex and Europol in migration crisis situations? What limits do the Treaties impose on the EU's and the Commissioner's actions regarding border control?

Which political parties currently make up the European Parliament and how many seats does each have?

The European Parliament for the 2024-2029 legislature has 720 seats and is organized into eight political groups, in addition to non-attached Members of the European Parliament (MEPs). It is important to distinguish between these European groups and the national parties that compose them: they are not exactly the same. The official distribution consulted provides the following figures, although there is a discrepancy with later information that prevents presenting them as a fully updated snapshot as of October 28, 2026.

Distribution by political groups

Information from the European Parliament electoral portal shows this distribution for the legislature:

Political GroupAbbreviationSeats
European People's PartyEPP188
Progressive Alliance of Socialists and DemocratsS&D136
Patriots for EuropePfE84
European Conservatives and ReformistsECR78
Renew EuropeRenew77
Greens/European Free AllianceGreens/EFA53
The LeftThe Left46
Europe of Sovereign NationsESN25
Non-attached MembersNI33
Total720

In this distribution, the eight groups gather 687 MEPs and the other 33 belong to none. The non-attached members do not constitute a ninth political group: it is the term used for parliamentarians who are not integrated into any group.

What "political parties" means here

The above distribution corresponds to who holds the seats by European parliamentary group. It does not equate to a list of all national parties represented. A single group brings together MEPs elected in different countries and from various formations; for example, the 188 seats of the EPP do not correspond to the Spanish People's Party.

It should also be distinguished between a European political party and its group in the Parliament. To understand the functioning of the Chamber and compare the size of its groupings, the relevant reference is the distribution by groups. The Parliament explains this organization in its fact sheet on organization and functioning.

The important clarification about "currently"

Electoral figures and subsequent composition may differ. An addition, a departure or a group change modifies the distribution without new elections being held. Therefore, a distribution corresponding to the 2024-2029 legislature does not guarantee by itself that it reflects all changes during that mandate.

Specifically, Demócrata reported on September 7, 2026 that Europe of Sovereign Nations had 27 MEPs, compared to the 25 in the previous distribution. That later information confirms a difference but does not provide a complete updated count for the other groups. It would not be correct to substitute only that figure and keep all others, because the total would no longer add up.

Therefore, the precise conclusion is that the eight groups are identified and the full distribution reproduced above exists, but the sources consulted do not offer a complete and coherent composition dated today. The later figure found for ESN is 27; no equivalent updated distribution for all groups is found in those sources.

If by "parties" you specifically mean each national formation, and not the European groups, the breakdown is different and much more extensive. The Parliament provides a list by national parties, which allows distinguishing both levels without confusing the seats of one formation with those of its entire group.

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What is the maximum time frame for the new Frontex rapid reaction force to be deployed in response to a crisis after a Member State's request?

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What new function will Frontex be able to perform regarding social media according to the new mandate?

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What will the new rule allow regarding return operations organized by Frontex?

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