Feijóo promises one million homes, a reduction of the IRPF in 2027, and an audit of government spending.

The Valencia Plan announced by Alberto Núñez Feijóo on January 20, 2025 is a political investment proposal, not a bill identified by that name. The sources consulted do not show a parliamentary file that allows placing it in a specific approval phase, nor a binding schedule for its execution. There is an announcement to take it to the Senate, but that announcement does not prove that it has been debated or approved.

What was announced and its scope

The document proposes 12 billion euros over ten years, with an average investment of 1.2 billion annually. Its declared objectives are to repair the damage caused by the DANA, prevent new floods, and advance the main Valencian infrastructures. These are magnitudes of the proposal, not budget credits whose approval is evidenced by the announcement (PP presentation).

The Valencia Plan document includes actions in environment, housing, waste, roads, railways, ports, airports, and industrial parks. Therefore, it should not be confused with a single work or a single regulation: it groups measures of different nature, whose approval and execution would require specific decisions.

Accredited parliamentary status

In its presentation, Feijóo offered the document to the Government of Spain and announced that it would be taken to the Senate to leave a parliamentary record of the proposal. He also linked it to a possible PP government program. The sources consulted do not show the subsequent approval of that announced commitment, nor an identified initiative that fully incorporates the plan (announcement of presentation).

The distinction matters: presenting a proposal, obtaining parliamentary support, and having financing to execute it are different milestones. There is no basis to affirm that the Valencia Plan is pending amendments, a committee report, or a final vote. It is also not appropriate to attribute to it the status of other Valencian initiatives on reconstruction or administrative simplification.

Procedures for its approval and implementation

The materialization of the document would require separate actions, according to each measure. There is no known single approval procedure for the whole. The instruments mentioned in the located information are:

• Budgetary financing: allocations in the General State Budgets or other budgetary decisions that financially support the actions.
• Sectoral planning: incorporation or development of projects in the instruments corresponding to transport, water, housing, and other matters.
• Administrative coordination: agreements between competent administrations when actions require collaboration.
• Project execution: approval of specific projects and their corresponding tenders, without the political document replacing these procedures.
• Specific regulations: approval of legal modifications that certain measures might need.

What deadlines are planned

The only documented global horizon is the ten years announced in January 2025. This does not equate to a legal deadline counted from a parliamentary approval, nor does it allow setting start and end dates for each infrastructure. There is also no detailed schedule of annual budgets, tenders, or commissioning.

Consequently, the practical answer is that there is no accredited approval or implementation date for the entire Valencia Plan. To assess concrete progress, announcements must be distinguished from budgetary, administrative, and legislative decisions that develop each action. If you refer to another program informally called Valencia Plan, the promoting body or the announcement link would allow differentiating it from this proposal.

The President of the Government directs the Executive's action and coordinates its members, but does not concentrate all its powers: certain decisions correspond to the Council of Ministers and others to each minister. His powers are mainly supported by the Spanish Constitution, especially article 98.2, and article 2 of Law 50/1997, of the Government.

1. Political direction and coordination

He is responsible for representing the Government, establishing its political program, determining the guidelines of domestic and foreign policy, and ensuring their compliance. He can give instructions to ministers and resolve conflicts of powers between ministries, respecting the competence and direct responsibility of each holder.

He also convenes and presides over the Council of Ministers and sets its agenda, without prejudice to the constitutional possibility that the King presides over it, at the president's request, to be informed of State matters.

2. Organization and composition of the Government

• Proposes to the King the appointment and dismissal of vice presidents and ministers —article 100 of the Constitution—. The joint composition of vice presidencies and ministries must guarantee a minimum of 40% of each sex, according to article 12.2 bis of the Government Law.
• Creates, modifies, and abolishes ministerial departments and secretariats of State by royal decree, and approves the organic structure of the Presidency.
• Entrusts functions to vice presidents, determines ministerial substitutes, and proposes to the Council of Ministers the creation, modification, or abolition of delegated commissions.

3. Relations with the Congress and electoral decisions

He can raise a vote of confidence before the Congress, after deliberation of the Council of Ministers: he requests that the Chamber confirm its political support.

He can also propose to the King the dissolution of the Congress, the Senate, or both Chambers, after Council deliberation and under his exclusive responsibility. Article 115 prevents doing so while a motion of censure is being processed and, as a general rule, before one year has passed since the previous dissolution.

He also proposes to the King the calling of a consultative referendum, with prior authorization from the Congress.

4. Crown and Constitutional Court

He countersigns the acts of the King when appropriate and assumes responsibility for them: countersigning is the signature that gives them constitutional validity. He submits laws and other norms with the force of law to the monarch for sanction. He does not countersign his own appointment, which corresponds to the president of the Congress. Additionally, he is empowered to file appeals of unconstitutionality.

5. Defense, norms, and exceptional situations

He directs defense policy and exercises the functions over the Armed Forces attributed to him by the corresponding legislation. This direction must be distinguished from collegiate decisions: approving bills, budgets, decree-laws, and development regulations corresponds to the Council of Ministers, not the president individually.

He also does not declare exceptional states alone. According to article 116 of the Constitution and Organic Law 4/1981, the alarm state is agreed upon in the Council of Ministers; the exception requires prior authorization from the Congress; and the siege is declared by the Congress at the exclusive proposal of the Government.

6. Limits and responsibility

He is subject to parliamentary questions, interpellations, and appearances. The Government is jointly responsible before the Congress and must resign if it loses confidence or a motion of censure succeeds. The criminal responsibility of the president is demanded before the Criminal Chamber of the Supreme Court, according to article 102. Additionally, he is subject to incompatibility rules: he cannot engage in professional or commercial activities nor other public functions unrelated to the office, except parliamentary mandate.

Alberto Núñez Feijóo belongs to the People's Party (PP), of which he has been national president since April 2, 2022. His trajectory combines an initial stage as a civil servant and public manager, responsibilities in the state Administration, and thirteen years as president of the Xunta de Galicia, between 2009 and 2022.

Education and early professional steps

Born in Ourense in 1961, Feijóo holds a Law degree from the University of Santiago de Compostela. In 1985 he began his career as a civil servant of the Superior Body of the General Administration of the Xunta de Galicia. Therefore, his initial professional activity was linked to public Administration, before assuming political and party leadership responsibilities. These backgrounds are recorded in his profile on Demócrata.

In 1991 he was appointed technical secretary general of the Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock, and Forests. Later he moved to the General Secretariat of the Ministry of Health and Social Services. This stage allowed him to develop experience in administrative and health management within the Galician regional Government.

Responsibilities in the state Administration

In 1996 he joined the central Administration during José María Aznar's Government. Until 2000 he held the position of Secretary General of Health Assistance of the Ministry of Health and Consumption and presided over the National Health Institute, known as Insalud. His work then focused on state health management, according to the biographical note from El Confidencial.

Between 2000 and 2003 he presided over Correos y Telégrafos. With this, he expanded his management trajectory beyond the health field, by leading a public entity of national scope. His professional career prior to the Galician presidency was therefore concentrated in public organizations and services.

Return to Galicia and regional leadership

In 2003 he returned to Manuel Fraga's Galician Executive as Minister of Territorial Policy, Public Works, and Housing. In 2004 he also assumed the First Vice Presidency of the Xunta. Both positions lasted until 2005, the year he was elected deputy of the Parliament of Galicia for Pontevedra. The sequence of these responsibilities appears in the biography published by CNN.

In 2006 he succeeded Fraga as head of the People's Party of Galicia (PPdeG), the Galician organization of the PP, not a different party. After a period in regional opposition, he won the 2009 elections and became President of the Xunta. He renewed the position in the 2012, 2016, and 2020 elections: four consecutive absolute majorities, according to his biographical profile.

His regional presidency extended from 2009 to 2022. This was the longest stage of his career leading a government and preceded his definitive move to the national party leadership.

National presidency of the PP

On April 2, 2022, he was elected national president of the People's Party at the extraordinary congress held in Seville, after the internal crisis that ended Pablo Casado's leadership. He obtained 98.35% of the votes, as Demócrata recalls about that change.

After leaving the Xunta, he was a senator by designation of the Parliament of Galicia between May 2022 and July 2023. In 2023 he moved to the Congress as a deputy for Madrid during the XV Legislature, according to his parliamentary biography. He currently continues leading the PP and serves as leader of the opposition; his position as president appears on the official party website.