Feijóo promises to give accounts every three months in Catalunya and will not veto Vox to reach the Moncloa

In an interview with La Vanguardia, the leader of the PP seeks to attract disillusioned socialists, commits to explaining quarterly the execution of investments, and considers that the departure of Óscar Puente is «essential, but insufficient»

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Elecciones 29N · Encuestas

La media de las encuestas

Media a 2 de noviembre de 2026 · 16 institutos

  • PP30,6 %
  • PSOE27,3 %
  • Vox19,0 %
  • Frente Amplio6,4 %
  • Podemos2,6 %
  • ERC2,4 %
010203040ene 2024jul 2024ene 2025jul 2025ene 2026jul 2026

Media del último estudio de cada instituto en 30 días y su evolución semanal desde el 23J. Partidos con al menos un 2 %.

Todas las encuestas

Elecciones generales del 29 de noviembre · Demócrata

Alberto Núñez Feijóo wants to expand his support in Catalunya without closing the door to an understanding with Vox after the general elections of November 29. In an interview published this Sunday by La Vanguardia, the president of the PP combines an offer aimed at the moderate Catalan voter with a message about his possible parliamentary agreements: he will not establish a sanitary cordon against Santiago Abascal's party.

«You cannot be president of Spain without understanding Catalunya», Feijóo maintains, who presents his experience at the head of the Xunta as a credential for understanding territorial diversity. His most concrete commitment is to go to Catalunya every three months to explain the degree of execution of the State's investments, with special attention to Rodalies.

The conversation was held on Wednesday morning, while the Urda railway accident was becoming known. The interview later incorporates questions about the tragedy, in the face of which Feijóo demands the departure of Óscar Puente and extends political responsibility to Pedro Sánchez.

Feijóo seeks the disappointed socialist voter in Catalunya

The PP leader directs part of his message to those who supported the PSOE and are now dissatisfied. In La Vanguardia he asks them to give an opportunity to a leader who defines himself as «constitutional and autonomist».

His proposal consists of claiming a greater presence of the State compatible with the functioning of autonomy. «I am not coming here to centralize, I am coming here so that autonomy functions and the State has a presence in Catalunya», he states.

Feijóo accuses Sánchez of not having corresponded to the electoral support received in Catalunya and of failing to fulfill investment commitments. These are reproaches from the Popular candidate, who uses that criticism to present a verifiable promise: to periodically report on the budgeted works and their execution.

The promise about Rodalies: explaining the investments four times a year

«If in Rodalies we say that we are going to invest x, four times a year I will come here and explain the degree of execution», assures the president of the PP.

The proposal emphasizes the difference between announcing an appropriation and turning it into completed actions. Feijóo promises to carry out the committed budget and to give quarterly explanations about its fulfillment.

However, he expresses reservations about the transfer of Rodalies to the Generalitat. He does not make a categorical rejection, but questions whether it is convenient for him to take on a service with great investment needs and complex management.

«If I were president of the Generalitat, I would look at it very carefully», he says. His argument is that an insufficiently funded transfer can shift the deficit to the receiving administration.

Vox will continue to be an option for most of the PP

Feijóo justifies the agreement with Vox for the Senate as a response to the alliances of the left and describes it as an operation limited to certain constituencies.

But his position goes beyond that pact. «I am not going to set up a cordon sanitaire neither with the third political force in my country, which is Vox, nor with those parties of a regional scope that want to speak within the Constitution», he declares in La Vanguardia.

The popular leader does not specify a governing formula with Abascal. He does make it clear that his priority is to assemble a majority that will make it possible to replace Sánchez and prevent a failed investiture from being repeated like the one in 2023.

At the same time, he tries to differentiate his project from the current Executive: he assures that he does not want to make «a right-wing sanchismo» and asks for a strong parliamentary group to drive his reforms.

Junts, financing and amnesty: the other signals toward Catalunya

Feijóo reproaches Junts for having facilitated Sánchez's continuity, although he acknowledges that both parties have maintained contacts and coincided in Congress votes.

On regional financing, he defends updating the system and negotiating with the territorial presidents both revenues and expenditures. The interview does not include a detailed economic proposal for Catalunya.

He also maintains his commitment to repeal the Amnesty law, although he admits that that decision would not have retroactive effects. He likewise announces the repeal of the Democratic Memory law.

On linguistic matters, he calls for compliance with judicial rulings on the presence of Spanish in classrooms and presents the Galician model as a reference for his position.

Urda hardens his message: Puente's departure is not enough for him

The final part of the interview shifts the focus toward the railway crisis. Feijóo considers that Óscar Puente's departure is «essential, but insufficient» and directly points to the President of the Government.

The popular candidate links the deterioration he denounces in public services with the appointments and priorities of the Executive. He also rejects that the political explanation of the tragedy be reduced to human error.

More key points, information and questions with FREN

AI-GENERATED CONTENT

What is the parliamentary status of the Amnesty Law and what are its next steps for repeal?

The Amnesty Law is approved and in force; it is no longer pending parliamentary processing nor is there an approved repeal. To repeal it, a new organic law would be necessary, with an absolute majority in the Congress in the final overall vote. As of November 1, 2026, the consulted sources do not identify a specific legislative initiative for repeal with a confirmed parliamentary schedule.

Parliamentary and legal status

The regulation is the Organic Law 1/2024, of June 10, on amnesty for institutional, political, and social normalization in Catalonia. Its processing ended on May 30, 2024, when the Congress lifted the Senate veto and definitively approved the text. This is confirmed by the official communication from the Congress.

It was published in the BOE on June 11, 2024 and came into force that same day. Its third final provision states: "This law shall enter into force on the same day of its publication in the 'Official State Gazette'." Therefore, no additional vote is needed for it to remain in force. Its consolidated text can be consulted in the BOE.

The validity must be distinguished from constitutional control. STC 137/2025, of June 26, did not annul the entire law: it declared the unconstitutionality of article 1.1 with a certain scope, but without annulling it, and the unconstitutionality and nullity of the second paragraph of article 1.3. This difference is also reflected in STC 165/2025. These rulings delimit its application, but do not equate to a parliamentary repeal.

What would have to happen to repeal it

There is no automatic next step: a new legislative procedure would have to be initiated. According to articles 124 to 132 of the Congress Regulations, the process would be:

  • Submit an initiative. The Government could submit an organic law bill; a parliamentary group or authorized deputies could submit an organic law proposal. The Senate may also initiate.
  • Pass the initial procedure. If submitted as a proposal in Congress, the Plenary would have to consider it: decide whether to start processing it. A Government bill does not require this initial vote.
  • Debate and amend the text. Followed by the amendment period, the report of the committee, the opinion of the competent commission, and the Plenary debate, unless a simplified procedure is validly agreed upon.
  • Obtain an absolute majority. The repeal would require a final vote on the entire text with an absolute majority in Congress. A simple majority or a political rejection resolution would not suffice.
  • Pass through the Senate. The Upper House could approve, amend, or veto it. If vetoed, Congress would need an absolute majority to override the veto, as it is an organic law.
  • Publish the new law. After final approval, sanction, promulgation, and publication in the BOE would follow. The repeal would take effect when the new regulation is in force.

What should not be confused with repeal

A constitutional ruling, a judicial application controversy, or a political promise do not replace this procedure. Neither would a unilateral Government decision by regulation suffice.

Moreover, repealing does not automatically undo the granted amnesties. Effects on already recognized situations would require respecting legal certainty and guarantees against unfavorable criminal consequences. In conclusion, the law remains in force: the described steps are the necessary path for a possible repeal, not an already agreed agenda.

What powers and functions does the president of the Xunta have compared to the president of the Government of Spain?

The president of the Xunta of Galicia and the president of the Government of Spain hold analogous positions at two different levels of the executive power: one at the autonomous level and the other at the state level. They share structural traits (heads of the executive, responsible for government action), but their powers and political and legal weight are very different.

1. Nature of the position and election

President of the Xunta of Galicia

  • He is the head of the Government of the Autonomous Community of Galicia.
  • He is elected by the Parliament of Galicia from among its members, through an investiture debate and confidence vote.
  • His basic regime is established in the Constitution (art. 152) and, in more detail, in the Statute of Autonomy of Galicia and the parliamentary regulations.

President of the Government of Spain

  • He is the head of the State Government and directs internal and external policy.
  • He is proposed by the King and must be invested by the Congress of Deputies.
  • His position is mainly regulated in the Constitution (arts. 97 and 99) and Government laws, as well as the Congress Regulations.

2. Common functions: heads of the executive

In both cases, the president is the center of executive power in their respective scope:

  • Direct government action: they set political priorities and coordinate the actions of the other councilors/ministers.
  • Appoint and dismiss Government members (councilors in Galicia, ministers in Spain).
  • Promote legislation: they can submit bills to their parliament, promote decrees and other regulatory norms within their powers.
  • Politically answerable to the chamber: Parliament of Galicia in one case, Congress of Deputies in the other. They can be subjected to a motion of censure and propose confidence motions.
  • Institutional representation: they represent the Autonomous Community or the State politically and before other institutions.

3. Specific powers of the president of the Xunta

His powers are always framed within the distribution of powers of the State of Autonomies:

  • Limited material scope: he directs the action of the Galician Government only in matters assumed by Galicia (health, education, social services, land planning, culture, autonomous police where applicable, etc.).
  • Relationship with the State: defends Galicia's interests before the central Government and participates in sectoral conferences and State–Autonomous Community cooperation bodies.
  • Normative development: promotes autonomous laws and regulations that develop state regulations or exercise exclusive Galician powers, respecting the Constitution and basic State legislation.
  • Calling autonomous elections (under the terms set by the Statute and Galician and state electoral legislation): he can dissolve the Galician Parliament within certain limits and advance elections.
  • Management of transferred services: directs the administrative organization of the Xunta and the application in Galicia of public policies in transferred areas (health, education, etc.).

4. Specific powers of the president of the Government of Spain

His position is broader, both territorially (the entire State) and by type of powers:

  • Direction of internal and external policy: sets the general orientation of the country, coordinates the action of all ministries, and defines the major priorities of the mandate.
  • International relations: although Treaties are signed by the King, the Government, under the president's direction, negotiates and directs foreign policy, EU participation, and defense.
  • Command over the General State Administration and the Armed Forces (through the Government as a whole, with the King as supreme military chief): coordinates the ministries of Interior, Defense, Foreign Affairs, Treasury, etc.
  • Legislative and budgetary initiative: the central Government has the most intense legislative initiative (especially in the General State Budgets and basic norms that condition other public powers).
  • Emergency instruments: proposes to Congress the states of alarm, exception, and siege and directs government action in those situations, with powers affecting the entire territory.
  • Calling general elections: can propose to the King the dissolution of the Cortes and the calling of elections within constitutional limits.
  • Coordination with autonomous communities: leads the State's position in presidents' conferences and other bodies, and can propose exceptional control measures such as article 155 CE (with prior Senate authorization).

5. Key idea: same function, different level and scope

In summary, both presidents are homologous figures as heads of the executive and political leaders before their respective parliaments, with similar powers of direction, appointment, and legislation. The major difference lies in:

  • The territorial scope (Galicia versus the entire State).
  • The material scope (autonomous powers versus the full range of state functions, including foreign policy, defense, general treasury, and basic legislation).
  • The institutional weight: the president of the Government sets the basic framework in which the autonomous communities, including Galicia, operate, while the president of the Xunta applies and develops that framework in his territory.

What were the results of the last general elections in Catalonia and how many seats did the PP obtain?

The last general elections held were on July 23, 2023. In Catalonia, the PSC-PSOE won with 19 deputies and the People's Party obtained 6 seats out of the 48 elected for the Congress. The PP gained four more deputies than in the previous general elections held in 2019.

Seat distribution in Catalonia

Six candidacies obtained representation in the Congress from the Catalan constituencies. The overall result was as follows, according to results collected by RTVE and Europa Press:

  • PSC-PSOE: 19 seats. It was the most voted candidacy in Catalonia and the one that obtained the most deputies. Its 19 representatives correspond to just under four out of ten of the total Catalan seats.
  • Sumar-En Comú Podem: 7 seats. It obtained the same number of representatives as ERC and Junts. This tie refers to the deputies obtained, not necessarily the number of votes.
  • ERC: 7 seats. It reached the same representation as Sumar-En Comú Podem and Junts. Compared to 2019, it went from 13 to 7 deputies.
  • Junts per Catalunya: 7 seats. Completed the group of three candidacies that obtained seven representatives each, one deputy more than the PP.
  • People's Party: 6 seats. It was behind the PSC and the three candidacies with seven deputies, and ahead of Vox in number of representatives.
  • Vox: 2 seats. It was the candidacy with the least representation among the six that obtained deputies in Catalonia.
What result did the PP specifically obtain?

The direct answer is six deputies to the Congress. Out of the 48 seats elected in Catalonia, this figure represents 12.5% of the deputies. It is important to distinguish this from the percentage of votes: that 12.5% is a calculation based on seats, not on the ballots received.

The comparison with the previous general elections shows an increase of four representatives: the PP went from 2 seats in 2019 to 6 in 2023. Therefore, it tripled its number of deputies elected in Catalonia. This comparison describes its parliamentary representation; it does not mean that its votes also tripled. The context of the territorial result can be consulted in the analysis by El País.

How to interpret these figures

The above numbers correspond to the Congress of Deputies, not the Senate or the Parliament of Catalonia. They are also not the PP results for all Spain: the six seats are only those obtained by its candidacies in Catalonia.

The sum allows checking the complete distribution: 19 from PSC, seven from each of the three tied candidacies, six from PP, and two from Vox make the 48 deputies. PSC obtained thirteen more representatives than PP; each of the candidacies with seven seats obtained one more, and Vox obtained four fewer.

For more detail, the official BOE publication, results from AS, graphics from EpData, and coverage from El Nacional are available. The breakdown by municipalities and provinces can also be consulted at El Periódico, its analysis on ERC's result, and data from Barcelona on RTVE.

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What specific commitment has Feijóo made regarding accountability for investments in Catalonia?

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What position does Feijóo maintain regarding possible agreements with Vox after the general elections?

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What measure has Feijóo promised in relation to the Amnesty law?

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