Sánchez, on the offensive on Twitter: a "fucking great pizza" against Feijóo and an Argentine song for Milei

As of October 21, 2026, Feijóo's proposal to evict illegal occupants within 48 hours is a political commitment for the next legislature, not an approved law nor an initiative that continues to advance in the Cortes. Previous legislative proposals from the PP that were still pending expired with the dissolution of the Cortes on October 6. Therefore, it is necessary to distinguish the current announcement from the texts that were processed previously.

The 48-hour announcement

On October 18, Feijóo announced that Xavier García Albiol, mayor of Badalona and candidate for Congress, would take charge of the drafting of a future law against illegal occupation. He linked this assignment to the commitment to allow evictions within 48 hours. This is a responsibility announced for the future, not a designation made by a parliamentary committee (Demócrata, October 18).

Feijóo also incorporated the goal of speeding up these evictions into the commitments presented on October 19. That electoral formulation does not equate to the registration, debate, or approval of a new legal text (Demócrata, October 19).

How far the previous initiative went

The most recent precedent identified is the Organic Law Proposal against the illegal occupation of properties and for neighborhood coexistence and the protection of the safety of people and property in homeowners' associations, from the Popular Group, with file number 122/000254. Its progress prior to dissolution was as follows:

• February 6, 2026: proposal presentation.
• February 10 and 13: qualification by the Board and subsequent publication and admission for processing.
• May 19: the Plenary approved its consideration; that is, it accepted to start processing it, without yet approving the law.
• May 26: referral to the Interior Committee.
• May 29: opening of the period to submit amendments, with subsequent extensions.

These milestones can be consulted in the Congress file and in the published text. The initiative had not completed its parliamentary approval when the Chambers were dissolved.

Why it is no longer in the amendment phase

The dissolution of the Cortes, published on October 6, ended the processing of pending parliamentary law proposals. Therefore, describing this proposal today only as stalled in committee or pending amendments would be incomplete: that was its previous situation; its processing ended due to expiration.

There was also a precedent from the Senate, identified in Congress as 124/000003, which had been assigned to the Justice Committee and subjected to amendments. It was a different initiative from the one registered in February 2026 and should not be confused with an already effective law (Congress publication).

The difference between 24 and 48 hours

The proposal debated in May contemplated a judicial requirement to leave the property or present a legitimate title within a maximum of 24 hours, followed by eviction if not complied with. That mechanism should not be automatically identified with the new political commitment of 48 hours (Demócrata, May 19).

In short, to implement it, it will be necessary to present a new text in the next legislature and obtain its parliamentary approval. There is no effective date derived from the announcement, nor do the procedures completed by the previous initiative automatically carry over to the next legislature.

The Spanish Constitution assigns the President of the Government a central role in the executive power: directing the Government's action, coordinating the ministers, setting the general political orientation, and being politically accountable before the Congress. Additionally, the President concentrates key powers in the relationship with the King, with the Cortes Generales, and in situations of political crisis. All these functions are mainly regulated in articles 97 to 101 of the Constitution, although important references appear in other provisions.

The starting point is article 97 CE, which establishes that the Government directs domestic and foreign policy, the civil and military administration, and the defense of the State, and exercises executive function and regulatory power. Within that Government, the President is the body that directs and coordinates it. This means that he is responsible for setting the major lines of political action (for example, legislative priorities, economic or social orientation) and ensuring that all ministers act coherently with those guidelines.

Article 98 CE specifies that the President directs the Government's action and coordinates the functions of its other members. From this competence derive several practical faculties:

• Deciding the structure of the Government (creation, suppression, and modification of ministries, usually by Royal Decree of the King at his proposal).
• Assigning and reassigning ministerial portfolios, as well as promoting or halting certain initiatives of each department.
• Resolving coordination conflicts between ministries when their competences overlap.

Another essential area is relations with the Crown. According to article 62 CE, the King appoints and removes the President of the Government, but always according to the rules of article 99, which place the President at the center of the Executive formation process. After elections or a Government crisis, the King, after consulting representatives designated by political groups and through the President of the Congress, proposes a candidate for the presidency; that candidate undergoes an investiture session and, if obtaining the confidence of the Congress, is appointed President. From then on, all the King's political acts (such as appointing ministers or dissolving the Chambers) require governmental countersignature, which is usually assumed by the President.

In the relationship with the Cortes Generales, the President concentrates decisive faculties. First, he is the main responsible for parliamentary confidence: he undergoes the initial investiture and may request a vote of confidence (article 112 CE) to reinforce or verify majority support. The Congress, in turn, can demand his responsibility through a motion of censure (article 113 CE), which is always constructive: it must include an alternative candidate for the presidency. In practice, the entire Government falls if the President loses parliamentary confidence.

Additionally, the President plays a decisive role in the decision to dissolve the Cortes. According to article 115 CE, the dissolution of the Congress, Senate, or both Chambers, and the calling of general elections, are carried out by the King at the proposal of the President of the Government, after deliberation of the Council of Ministers. In practice, the initiative is presidential: he decides the politically opportune moment to call early elections, always within constitutional time limits.

The President also has a key role in the Government's legislative initiative. Although formally bills and royal decree-laws or legislative decrees are approved by the Council of Ministers, it is the President who, by his directing function, determines the major legislative priorities, orders the presentation of certain projects, and decides whether to resort to urgency instruments such as the decree-law, always within what the Constitution permits.

Regarding territorial unity and constitutionality, the President may file, on behalf of the Government, appeals of unconstitutionality and conflicts of competence before the Constitutional Court, which grants him relevant competence in defending the constitutional framework and the distribution of powers between the State and autonomous communities. He also plays a central role in activating exceptional mechanisms, such as the state of alarm, exception, or siege (article 116 CE), which require a proposal or initiative from the Government directed to the Cortes.

Finally, the President is politically accountable before the Congress of Deputies for the action of the entire Government. This responsibility is concretized in control debates, question sessions, interpellations, motions, and votes of confidence or censure. Although ministers are individually responsible for their management, the Constitution configures the President as the figure who ultimately assumes the overall responsibility of the Executive.

Before becoming President of the Government on June 2, 2018, Pedro Sánchez developed a trajectory that included European political advisory, the Madrid City Council, the Congress of Deputies, and the leadership of the PSOE. His main positions were councilor, deputy for Madrid, president of the Socialist Parliamentary Group, and secretary general of the party. His rise included a departure from socialist leadership in 2016 and his recovery through primaries in 2017.

Affiliation and early political work

Sánchez joined the PSOE in 1993. An economist by training, his first professional political experiences had an international dimension: he worked as an advisor in the European Parliament and was part of the cabinet of the High Representative for Bosnia and Herzegovina, Carlos Westendorp. It is important to distinguish that advisory work from an elected position: he was not a Member of the European Parliament. The La Moncloa biography records these stages prior to his municipal responsibilities.

Councilor in Madrid: 2004-2009

His first elected public office was as a councilor of the Madrid City Council. He had been part of the socialist candidacy led by Trinidad Jiménez in the 2003 municipal elections, but accessed the council in May 2004 after Elena Arnedo's resignation.

He renewed his seat in the 2007 municipal elections and remained as a councilor until 2009. During that period, he served in the socialist municipal opposition and participated in bodies linked to the City Council, including the Municipal Housing and Land Company. This sequence is recorded in the CIDOB biographical profile.

Deputy for Madrid: two terms

In 2009 he entered Congress to replace Pedro Solbes and left the City Council. During that first term, which ended in 2011, he was deputy spokesperson for the socialist group in the Territorial Policy Commission and participated in the Foreign Affairs and Mixed Commission for the European Union.

He did not obtain a seat after the November 2011 general elections. He returned in January 2013, this time replacing Cristina Narbona. In this second parliamentary term, he worked on economic matters and was socialist spokesperson in the Climate Change Commission until September 2014. His parliamentary trajectory preceded his leap to national party leadership, as detailed by CIDOB.

Secretary General and candidate: 2014-2016

In July 2014, he won the socialist primaries against Eduardo Madina and José Antonio Pérez Tapias. The PSOE Extraordinary Congress elected him secretary general, succeeding Alfredo Pérez Rubalcaba. He also presided over the Socialist Parliamentary Group and assumed the leadership of the opposition.

He was a candidate for the Presidency in the December 2015 and June 2016 elections. Between both calls, he tried to form a Government through an agreement with Ciudadanos but did not obtain the necessary support to be invested in March 2016. These milestones appear in the EFE political profile.

Departure, return, and arrival to Government

In October 2016, he resigned as secretary general after the PSOE Federal Committee crisis. On October 29, he also resigned his seat before the vote that allowed Mariano Rajoy's investiture.

On May 21, 2017, he won the primaries against Susana Díaz and Patxi López; the socialist congress in June formalized his return. From that leadership, he promoted the motion of censure approved on June 1, 2018, and assumed the Presidency the following day. Thus, he culminated his previous trajectory, without having held a ministry or an autonomous presidency before (CIDOB).