Student protests shake French politics and test the aspiring candidates for the Élysée.

Mélenchon supports the protests and accuses the Police of contributing to the chaos, while Le Pen and Bardella blame the radical left for the violent disturbances. Philippe, for his part, questions Macron's management six months before the presidential elections of 2027.

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Elecciones 29N · Encuestas

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Media a 21 de octubre de 2026 · 15 institutos

  • PP31,6 %
  • PSOE26,9 %
  • Vox18,7 %
  • Sumar6,3 %
  • Podemos3,1 %
  • ERC2,2 %
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Elecciones generales del 29 de noviembre · Demócrata

The protests that began in mid-September in French schools, initially motivated by the shortcomings of the educational system, have become one of the main reasons for political confrontation six months before the presidential elections of 2027. The mobilizations then spread to universities and converged with the demands against the rising cost of living, until acquiring a dimension that the serious disturbances of last Saturday, October 17, have fully transferred to the race for the Élysée. The main presidential candidates now disagree both on the causes of the violence and on who can respond to social unrest and guarantee public order.

The Government of Sébastien Lecornu, weakened by its lack of parliamentary majority and the difficulties in responding to the economic demands of the protesters, has attributed part of the escalation of violence to the radical left, while Jean-Luc Mélenchon accuses the Executive of resorting to police action to discredit the protests. Marine Le Pen and Jordan Bardella, for their part, have used the looting and attacks on public buildings to reinforce their discourse on the authority of the State and present the National Rally (RN) as an alternative to both Macronism and La France Insoumise (LFI).

The mobilizations have reopened two debates that have been traversing French politics for years: the deterioration of purchasing power and distrust towards institutions. The way each party responds to these concerns, without being associated with the episodes of violence, can influence the mobilization of its voters and the alliances that are negotiated in the face of a potential second round of the presidential elections.

Macron and Lecornu seek to regain political initiative

As the student protests spread across French territory and pressure on security forces increased, the Executive began to harden its response until combining the defense of police action with direct accusations against La France Insoumise. Lecornu holds the leaders of Mélenchon's party responsible for contributing to the climate of confrontation, an interpretation that the left rejects and that has shifted much of the public discussion from educational demands to political responsibility for the disturbances.

Emmanuel Macron, who cannot aspire to a third consecutive presidential term, has backed the security forces and warned that those who participated in the looting and attacks against institutions must answer before justice, although he has also claimed that the right to peacefully protest should be preserved.

For the presidential space, a response focused exclusively on security could fuel criticism from the left, while any perception of weakness in the face of the disturbances would give arguments to the right. Macron's possible successors, including Édouard Philippe and Gabriel Attal, have condemned the violence and defended the authority of the State, but they must differentiate themselves from the current Government without completely renouncing the legacy of a presidency in which both held important responsibilities.

Le Pen uses the disturbances against Macron and Mélenchon

Marine Le Pen has taken advantage of the clashes on October 17 to reinforce one of the usual arguments of National Rally: the relationship she establishes between the deterioration of security, Macron's years in government, and the influence of the radical left. The leader has accused LFI of instrumentalizing social demands that she considers legitimate and of contributing to a climate of violence that, she claims, harms precisely those who protest for their living conditions.

Jordan Bardella has hardened that discourse by contrasting violent protesters with workers affected by inflation, a distinction with which RN aims to contest the vote of the working classes without identifying with the mobilizations.

The party had encountered serious difficulties in intervening in the debate about the educational shortcomings that led to the protests, but the prominence gained by the disturbances allows it to recover usual issues of its discourse, such as security and the authority of the State. Le Pen thus tries to simultaneously hold the Executive responsible for its management of the crisis and Mélenchon for his relationship with the mobilizations.

Mélenchon claims the protest and accuses the Government of fueling violence

Jean-Luc Mélenchon has linked his presidential candidacy with the protest movement through his participation in the demonstrations and the denunciation of a police action that, in his opinion, has contributed to aggravating the confrontations. The leader of La France Insoumise accuses the Government of resorting to provocation and the wear of the mobilizations, and considers that the Executive has ended up turning educational and social demands into a public order crisis.

During the day of October 17, Mélenchon accused the police prefect of Paris of favoring disorder with the decisions made regarding the deployment of agents, although he also asked those who share his political positions to stay away from looting and destruction. His deputies had previously called for a parliamentary commission of inquiry into the police action during the student protests, after several interventions raised criticism for the use of force against young demonstrators.

His participation in the mobilizations can strengthen ties with a part of the youth, especially receptive to the denunciations against police violence and to the proposals for transforming the educational system. The confrontation with the Government and with RN also allows him to assert himself as a representative of those who consider institutional responses to social discontent insufficient.

However, this proximity to the protests also entails risks for his presidential aspirations if he intends to broaden his support beyond the usual electorate of LFI. The accusations from the center and the right, which attribute political responsibility to him for the escalation of violence, can harm his image among moderate voters, while his disagreements with other progressive formations hinder the construction of a majority capable of competing in a second round.

Social democracy and environmentalists distance themselves from Mélenchon

The protests have deepened the differences within the French left, especially after Raphaël Glucksmann, the chosen candidate of the social-democratic space in the October primaries, condemned episodes of violence that, in his opinion, have prevented listening to the demands of the protesters. His reaction contrasts with that of Mélenchon, who has insisted on denouncing police actions and the responsibilities of the Executive, instead of focusing his interventions on the riots.

Glucksmann aims to represent a progressive electorate concerned about inequality and the deterioration of public services, but opposed to both violent methods and the permanent confrontation with institutions. His distancing from LFI could facilitate the approach to moderate voters disenchanted with Macronism.

The ecologists, led by Marine Tondelier, have called for changes in police doctrine and warned of the risks that certain interventions pose both for the protesters and for the agents themselves. Tondelier, who participated in the mobilizations, has condemned the violent acts, but has also criticized that the meeting called by the Government with political parties could turn into an exchange of reproaches against the opposition, instead of serving to seek solutions to social demands.

The first socialist secretary, Olivier Faure, has also defended a thorough review of police practices that favors de-escalation, while continuing to condemn looting and attacks on public buildings. These positions reflect the difficulties of a left that shares a good part of the concerns about the deterioration of living conditions, but disagrees on its relationship with the mobilizations and on the response that should be given to violence.

Philippe and Retailleau compete for the order-supporting electorate

The candidates from the center and traditional right have also intervened in the controversy, aware that they need to differentiate their proposals from those of National Rally without appearing as continuators of a government management questioned by the opposition. Édouard Philippe, candidate of Horizons and former prime minister of Macron, has called for firmness against those who participated in the riots and has attributed to LFI a significant political responsibility in the climate of violence.

Bruno Retailleau, candidate of The Republicans, has defended an even stronger response against those responsible for the attacks, while Gabriel Attal, leader of Renaissance, has condemned the clashes as an aggression against the authority of the State. Although the three agree on demanding the restoration of order, during the campaign they will have to explain what changes they propose regarding the security policies developed during Macron's terms.

The prominence gained by the disturbances may benefit Le Pen, whose party has been making security one of its main hallmarks for years. For Philippe and Retailleau, the protests provide arguments to question the Government's management, but they also force them to compete with an extreme right that has a consolidated discourse on this issue and presents violence as a consequence of the failure of traditional parties.

A crisis that may alter the balances of the first and second rounds

Six months before the presidential elections, the political consequences of the protests will depend on their evolution and the response that the Government offers. If the episodes of violence continue to dominate the news, Le Pen could benefit from a debate focused on security, while greater attention to educational and economic demands would give Mélenchon more opportunities to contest the representation of social discontent.

The candidates from the presidential space and traditional right will have to demonstrate that they can guarantee security without neglecting the problems that caused the mobilizations, especially those who have participated in the governments of recent years. Social democracy, for its part, will try to see if its condemnation of the disturbances and its criticisms of the shortcomings of government policy allow it to attract voters who do not identify with either LFI or RN.

For now, the reactions of the parties allow us to distinguish their priorities, but do not show that the disturbances have modified electoral preferences. The Government's response to social demands and the evolution of the mobilizations will be decisive in determining how much this crisis influences the presidential campaign, while the students who initiated the protests continue to demand solutions to the educational shortcomings that led them to the streets.

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AI-GENERATED CONTENT

What is the legislative process in France for creating a parliamentary inquiry commission on police conduct during protests?

I cannot provide you with a detailed and reliable explanation of the specific legislative procedure in France for creating a parliamentary inquiry commission on police conduct during protests, because I specialize in the institutional and political functioning of Spain. For issues affecting comparative parliamentary law, and particularly specific foreign legal regimes (such as the French one), I would risk giving you inaccurate or outdated information if I tried to reconstruct the process without consulting the appropriate and specific sources of that country.

What I can do is guide you conceptually on what the creation of a parliamentary inquiry commission usually involves, in general terms, in European parliamentary systems, and how you could approach the search for precise information for France.

1. General framework of inquiry commissions in parliamentary systems

In most European parliaments, inquiry commissions are temporary bodies, created ad hoc to clarify facts of public interest. They usually have three key features:

  • Legal basis: they are regulated in the Constitution, in the chamber's rules of procedure, or in a specific organic/ordinary law. That norm establishes who can propose them, the majority requirements, and their powers.
  • Limited scope: they must have a clear mandate, limited to a set of facts or a specific period of time (for example, police actions during certain protests).
  • Investigative powers: they usually include the ability to summon senior officials, security force leaders, and experts, request administrative documentation, and issue a final report with conclusions and political or regulatory recommendations.

Although these elements are common, the specific way to activate a commission (quorums, initiative, prior validations, judicial control, etc.) varies from country to country and chamber to chamber.

2. What probably applies in France (without going into technical details)

Without describing a step-by-step procedure — because that would require French legal precision beyond my scope — what is foreseeable in a case of an inquiry commission on police conduct during protests is that at least the following intervene:

  • One of the chambers of the French Parliament (Assemblée nationale or Sénat), since these commissions are usually specific to a single chamber.
  • A formal parliamentary initiative act: a proposal or request for a commission submitted by a minimum number of deputies or senators, or by a parliamentary group.
  • A majority agreement of the chamber: in most systems, the effective creation requires a vote by the plenary or a representative internal body (such as the conference of presidents), with a simple or reinforced majority, depending on the regulation.
  • The definition of the mandate: the creation act usually specifies the material scope (for example, police interventions in certain demonstrations), the time period, and the maximum duration of the commission.

It is also common to have explicit limits, for example:

  • Not duplicating ongoing judicial investigations on the same facts.
  • Respecting protected secrets (defense, internal security, professional secrecy, etc.).

3. How to search for specific information for France

To know precisely the legislative process in France, including the creation of an inquiry commission on police conduct, I would recommend:

  • Consulting the Rules of Procedure of the Assemblée nationale and the Sénat, where commissions d’enquête are usually regulated. There it details who can request them, what majority is needed, and how their competencies are defined.
  • Reviewing the Constitution of the Fifth Republic itself, which contains provisions on the Parliament's control powers and, where applicable, general references to inquiry commissions.
  • Searching for recent examples of French inquiry commissions on security or law enforcement. Analyzing those cases will allow you to reconstruct, in practice, the itinerary: initiative, debates, voting, and constitution.
  • If you need a doctrinal analysis, consult reports from the French Parliament itself, explanatory notes from legal services, or academic articles on French parliamentary law.

4. What I can do in detail

Although I cannot give you the French legal “step by step,” I can:

  • Explain in detail how the creation of inquiry commissions works in Spain and help you conceptually compare it with other models.
  • Help you structure a comparative analysis (for example, what variables to look at: initiative, majorities, powers, limits, duration, legal effects of the report).
  • Clarify general legal and parliamentary terms (parliamentary control, political responsibility, separation of powers, etc.) that are also used in France, although with their own nuances.

If you reformulate the question in the Spanish context, I can give you a very precise breakdown of the procedure, the actors involved, and the constitutional fit of an inquiry commission on police actions during protests.

What are the powers of the French prime minister and how do they differ from those of the president of the Republic?

In the French political system (Fifth Republic), the executive power is organized around two figures: the president of the Republic and the prime minister. Both form the “dual executive,” but with clearly differentiated functions: the president embodies the head of state and general political leadership, while the prime minister directs the day-to-day action of the Government and administration.

Main powers of the French prime minister

The prime minister is, legally, the head of Government. His powers derive mainly from Article 21 of the 1958 Constitution and constitutional practice:

  • Directs the Government's action: coordinates the ministers, sets the priorities of governmental action day-to-day, and ensures that the major political orientations defined (in practice, by the president, except during cohabitation periods) are executed.
  • Responsible for the application of laws: oversees the execution of laws adopted by Parliament. This includes promoting and signing the decrees and regulations necessary for the legal norm to be effective.
  • General regulatory power: holds regulatory power for matters not reserved to law. That is, he can adopt regulations and decrees of a general and normative nature to organize public policies and administration.
  • Direction of the Administration: “directing the Government's action” also means controlling the civil and military administration in its operational aspect (organization of ministries, public services, ordinary management).
  • Responsibility before Parliament: the Government, headed by the prime minister, is politically responsible before the National Assembly. This body can force its resignation through a motion of no confidence. Likewise, the prime minister can invoke the Government's responsibility on a text (art. 49.3) to have a law approved without a vote except by motion of no confidence.
  • Legislative initiative: introduces bills on behalf of the Government, organizes their processing, decides to use accelerated procedures, and manages the daily relationship with Parliament.
  • Arbitration among ministers: in case of conflict between ministries (budget, competencies, priorities), the prime minister arbitrates and decides.

In summary, the prime minister is the Executive's “operations director”: he transforms political orientations into concrete decisions, coordinates the State machinery, and is accountable before the National Assembly.

Powers of the president of the Republic

The French president is both head of State and the central piece of the political system. His main powers, mainly set out in Articles 5, 8, 11, 12, and 16 of the Constitution, are:

  • Guarantee the regular functioning of institutions and the continuity of the State. He is the supreme arbitrator of the political system.
  • Appoints the prime minister and, on his proposal, the other members of the Government. He can also end their functions.
  • Presides over the Council of Ministers, where bills, main decrees, and strategic Government decisions are approved.
  • Dissolves the National Assembly: can call early legislative elections.
  • Calls referendums on certain matters (for example, institutional reforms or certain bills).
  • Exceptional powers (art. 16) in case of a serious crisis threatening the Nation's independence or the functioning of public powers.
  • Foreign policy and defense: he is the commander-in-chief of the Armed Forces and directs the major orientations of foreign and defense policy. Practice gives him a decisive weight in international relations and high-level military decisions.
  • Promulgation of laws: signs laws approved by Parliament and can request a new deliberation or constitutional review before promulgation.

In practice, especially since the presidential election by direct universal suffrage and the synchronization of electoral calendars, the president is the political center of gravity of the regime when he has a majority in the Assembly.

Key differences between prime minister and president

  • Democratic legitimacy: the president is directly elected by the citizens, while the prime minister derives his authority from the parliamentary majority and presidential appointment.
  • Political responsibility: the Government and prime minister are responsible before the National Assembly (can fall by motion of no confidence); the president is not. His responsibility is mainly before the electorate (re-election or not) and, in extreme cases, through exceptional impeachment mechanisms.
  • Level of decision-making: the president sets the major orientations (especially in defense and foreign policy, and general political line), while the prime minister manages the concrete implementation of those orientations and the daily running of the Government and Administration.
  • Relationship with Parliament: the prime minister is the main interlocutor with the National Assembly (appears, defends bills, manages the majority). The president is positioned more “above” the parliamentary game, although he can politically influence it.
  • In cohabitation: when the president and parliamentary majority are from different political signs, the prime minister gains weight in domestic policy (because he answers to the majority), while the president retains a very strong role in foreign policy and defense. In periods of “alignment” (same majority), the president clearly dominates the executive and the prime minister acts as his main executor.

In summary, in France the president of the Republic embodies the head of State, defines the major orientations, and holds decisive powers (appointment of the prime minister, dissolution, referendum, defense), while the prime minister is the head of Government, coordinates ministers, applies laws, and is politically accountable before Parliament.

Can you explain with historical examples how cohabitation between president and prime minister has worked in France? What mechanisms exist to dismiss a French prime minister and how do they differ from those for the president? How does this distribution of powers in France compare with that between president and prime minister in other semi-presidential countries?

What results did the National Rally (RN) obtain in the latest French presidential and legislative elections?

I cannot provide you with detailed or updated data on the results of the National Rally (RN) in the latest French presidential and legislative elections because I specialize in the political and institutional field of Spain, not in electoral processes of other countries.

My design and reference sources are focused on:

  • Spanish institutions: Congress of Deputies, Senate, regional governments and their parliaments, as well as the Government of Spain and its ministries.
  • Parliamentary regulation and processing: laws, royal decree-laws, bills and legislative proposals, parliamentary rules, control initiatives (questions, interpellations, appearances) and their evolution.
  • Spanish political actors: parties, parliamentary groups, public officials and their institutional and public activity within the Spanish political system.

Within that framework, I can help you, for example, with issues such as:

  • Explaining how Spanish general elections work, what roles the Congress and Senate have, or how the Government is formed.
  • Analyzing the effects of a specific Spanish law, its processing status, or the political implications of a parliamentary initiative.
  • Offering a comparative context on how certain topics are regulated in Spain (immigration, energy, housing, etc.) versus general approaches in other countries, as long as the main focus remains the Spanish case.
  • Summarizing the position and actions of a Spanish political party on a specific topic (for example, housing, taxation, energy, or territorial model).

If you need to know the specific electoral results of the National Rally in France (for example, vote percentage in the first and second presidential rounds, number of seats in the National Assembly, territorial distribution of the vote, etc.), I recommend you consult directly:

  • The French electoral authority (Ministère de l’Intérieur or the body responsible for publishing official results).
  • The official pages of the French National Assembly, which usually offer details of seats by parliamentary group.
  • Reference generalist press sources (for example, French or international national newspapers) that usually publish tables and maps with detailed figures.

If you want, I can help you interpret those results from a comparative perspective with Spain, provided you supply the basic figures (vote percentage, number of seats, position relative to other forces). From there I could:

  • Compare RN's weight in the National Assembly with that of a Spanish party in the Congress, considering seat proportion and parliamentary relevance.
  • Explain how a given result could translate, in the Spanish context, into the capacity to form government, influence majorities, or block initiatives.
  • Clarify differences in electoral systems (constituencies, two-round system, proportional or majoritarian representation) and how they affect the translation of vote percentage into more or fewer seats.

I propose two possible paths to continue the conversation:

  • Reformulate your question in Spanish terms, for example: how the results of a French party like RN compare with those of a specific Spanish party in terms of representation and political weight.
  • Provide the basic numerical data of RN that you have already located, so I can help you interpret and contextualize them against the functioning of the Spanish political system.

If you are interested, you can also ask me about how voting for certain parties has behaved in Spain in recent general elections, what correlation exists between vote percentage and seats, or how parliamentary majorities are configured in our system.

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