Abascal calls to change "ruin for prosperity" on 29N and accuses the unions of keeping silent in the face of the housing crisis.

The so-called Grandchildren Law is not pending approval: it is the usual name for the eighth additional provision of Law 20/2022, on Democratic Memory, approved in 2022. As of October 23, 2026, no approved repeal of that regime is recorded; the pending parliamentary reforms were affected by the dissolution of the Cortes on October 6. To change it, a new legislative process will be necessary.

What remains in force and what has ended

It is advisable to separate three issues: the validity of the regulation, the deadline to apply for nationality, and controversies about its electoral effects. The nationality regulation is found in the Law of Democratic Memory; it does not constitute an independent law.

The ordinary deadline to submit applications ended on October 22, 2025, after the one-year extension agreed by the Government. That closure does not equate to repealing the provision nor automatically cancels the files submitted within the deadline, whose processing may continue according to applicable instructions. This is explained by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

What happened with the parliamentary reforms

• Electoral reform through an amendment. On September 30, an amendment from Sumar was admitted for processing, presented in an educational project, to guarantee the vote of those who had obtained nationality through this route. The legal advisors questioned its lack of material connection with the project. Admission did not mean approval: examination in committee, commission, and subsequent votes remained. With the dissolution of the Cortes, that processing expired. (Demócrata, 09/30/2026).
• Another modification of Democratic Memory. Royal Decree-Law 6/2026 modified aspects of the recognition of deceased or incapacitated persons due to their democratic activity, not the nationality regime of the eighth additional provision. Its subsequent processing as a bill also expired; that does not by itself eliminate the already effective modification of the decree-law. (BOE Text).
• Parliamentary control. The motion approved in the Senate on September 30 demanded reviewing administrative application and providing data. A motion requests actions from the Government but does not modify or repeal a law. (Demócrata, 09/30/2026).

What steps would be necessary now

There is not simply a pending vote that can be resumed where it was interrupted. The ordinary parliamentary route requires a new initiative, with these milestones:

• Presentation and admission. A government bill or parliamentary bill must specify which provision it modifies or repeals. The bill also needs to pass the consideration stage: the initial decision to process it.
• Congress. Opening of amendments, committee report and debate; then approval in the Plenary when appropriate. For an ordinary reform, a simple majority generally applies: more favorable than opposing votes.
• Senate. It can accept the text, introduce amendments, or veto it. If it changes it, Congress decides again; the veto can be lifted by absolute majority or, after two months, by simple majority in an ordinary law.
• Publication. Sanction, promulgation, and publication in the BOE, with entry into force on the scheduled date. These phases are covered in the Congress Regulations.

Finally, the precautionary suspension of certain electoral effects does not equate to repealing the regulation nor automatically annulling the granted nationalities. The judicial procedure remains distinct from any parliamentary reform. (Demócrata, 10/21/2026).

The Prime Minister does not have specific “sectoral” powers in immigration or housing like a ministry, but he does have very strong general powers that allow him to guide and condition almost all political action in these areas. His functions derive mainly from Article 97 of the Constitution, which assigns him the direction of the Government's action and the coordination of the other members of the Executive.

General framework of the Prime Minister's powers

• Direct the Government's action: sets the major priorities, distributes portfolios, creates or abolishes ministries, and reshapes the Executive to adapt it to his objectives in migration or housing.
• Set the general political orientation: defines the Government's line in the investiture program and in parliamentary appearances, including commitments on migration and housing.
• Convene and preside over the Council of Ministers: decides the agenda and leads the approval of laws, royal decrees, and royal decree-laws affecting immigration and housing.
• Promote the Government's legislative initiative: although technical proposals are prepared by ministries, the Prime Minister decides whether to bring them to the Council of Ministers for approval and submission to the Cortes.
• Internal and external representation: embodies the Government's position before other States, the European Union, and international organizations when negotiating agreements, common policies, or funds relevant to migration and housing.

Powers in migration policy

The Constitution reserves exclusive State competence over “nationality, immigration, emigration, foreign affairs, and the right of asylum.” This competence is exercised through the Government as a whole, especially the competent ministries (Interior; Inclusion and Migration; Foreign Affairs, etc.), but the Prime Minister plays a key role:

• Define the Government's migration strategy: decides, together with his ministers, the general orientation of migration policy (admission criteria, border control, integration, approach to irregular immigration, etc.).
• Promote regulations: can order the preparation of bills or other norms (for example, reforms of the Foreigners Law or asylum) and bring them to the Council of Ministers for approval.
• Crisis management and coordination: in situations of mass arrivals, humanitarian crises, or diplomatic conflicts linked to migration, coordinates the involved ministries and can activate extraordinary measures (also through royal decree-laws, which must later be ratified by Congress).
• Negotiation in the European Union: sets and defends the Spanish position in the European Council on the Migration and Asylum Pact, responsibility sharing, external border protection, or related European funds.
• External relations in migration matters: leads or endorses agreements with third countries on readmission, cooperation for flow control, or orderly labor migration channels.

Although the Prime Minister does not resolve individual files (visas, residence permits, asylum), he does order and condition the normative framework and general strategy with which those files are processed.

Powers in housing matters

In housing, there is a more complex distribution of powers. The Constitution allows autonomous communities to assume powers in land planning, urbanism, and housing, while the State retains faculties to set bases, basic equality conditions, and elements of economic and fiscal policy. Within this scheme, the Prime Minister exercises his general directing powers:

• Define the State housing policy: decides, with the competent minister, the major lines of State action (rental aid, social housing, tax incentives, basic regulations affecting the entire territory).
• Promote laws and reforms: orders the drafting of bills on housing and urbanism in the State part (for example, rules on public housing stock, urban lease regime as long as it remains State competence, or State housing funds).
• Guide the General State Budgets: his leadership in budget preparation determines the volume and destination of resources for housing policies, rehabilitation, energy efficiency, and rental aid.
• Coordination with autonomous communities and municipalities: presides over or supports multilateral cooperation bodies and bilateral agreements where funds are distributed and State housing programs executed by communities and local entities are agreed upon.
• Use of extraordinary instruments: in housing emergency situations (for example, disasters or severe economic crises), can promote royal decree-laws with urgent measures on rent, mortgages, or aid, always within the constitutional framework.

In summary, the Prime Minister does not directly manage files nor promote a norm alone, but his powers of political direction, normative impulse, interministerial coordination, and EU representation give him a decisive role in defining and executing the Spanish strategy both in migration policy and housing, within the limits of the Constitution, laws, and the distribution of powers with autonomous communities.

In the last general elections held in Spain, on July 23, 2023, Vox obtained 33 deputies in the Congress, with 3,033,744 votes and 12.39% of the vote. It was the third national political force, although it lost 19 seats compared to the November 2019 elections. In the Senate, it did not obtain any senator directly elected at the polls.

The result in the Congress

The main data of Vox in those elections were as follows, according to the summary of electoral results:

• Votes: 3,033,744 votes throughout Spain.
• Percentage: 12.39% of the vote, a figure often rounded to 12.4%.
• Deputies: 33 of the 350 seats in the Congress.
• Position: third national force, behind the PP and PSOE.

In terms of representation, those 33 deputies approximately equaled 9.4% of the seats in the Chamber. It is important to distinguish this data from the percentage of votes: 12.39% measures electoral support, while 9.4% expresses what part of Congress was occupied by Vox's representatives. These are two different ways to describe the same result.

Comparison with previous elections

The reference to assess Vox's evolution is the November 2019 general elections. Then it obtained 52 deputies; in July 2023 it obtained 33. Therefore, it lost 19 representatives, which equals an approximate reduction of 36.5% of its previous representation. It also fell about 2.7 percentage points in votes, according to the same comparative balance.

The balance thus combines two facts: Vox maintained the third national position but entered Congress with fewer deputies than in the previous call. Maintaining that position did not mean maintaining its parliamentary size. The difference between 52 and 33 seats is the most direct data to appreciate the drop in its representation.

How it stood compared to other parties

The final distribution of the main candidacies was 137 deputies for the PP, 121 for the PSOE, 33 for Vox, and 31 for Sumar. Vox thus remained two seats above Sumar, according to the comparison published by Demócrata.

A relevant consequence of that distribution was that PP and Vox together summed 170 deputies. That figure was six seats below the 176 needed to reach an absolute majority in Congress. Therefore, their representatives combined were not enough to reach that threshold, as recalled by the Demócrata balance on 2023.

The result in the Senate

Vox did not obtain senators directly elected in those elections. This detail matters: the election result for the Senate must be distinguished from the presence a party may have through senators appointed by autonomous parliaments. The electoral data from July 2023 is, therefore, zero senators by direct election, according to the information on the electoral precedent.

In short, the essential figure to remember is 33 deputies and 12.39% of the vote: third national position, but with a loss of 19 seats compared to November 2019. These are results of held elections, not survey estimates or forecasts for a subsequent call.