General elections survey: the recalculation of the CIS places the PSOE 1.9 points behind the PP and gives 194 seats to the PP and Vox

DEMOCRAT offers a recalculation of the CIS published today on housing, trying to intuit how Congress would look after the 29N. With the percentages of the 70% participation scenario, the PP would obtain 32.3% and 132 deputies; the PSOE, 30.4% and 121; and Vox, 18.1% and 62. There would be, in any case, an absolute majority of PP and Vox in the two examined scenarios: 195 seats with 67% and 194 with 70%.

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The PSOE can stay less than two points behind the PP and still find itself in front of a Congress with an absolute majority of PP and Vox. This is the main conclusion of the recalculation of the CIS and the provincial projection prepared by DEMÓCRATA for the general elections on November 29: the distance between the two major parties would be narrow, but the distribution of support among the rest of the candidacies would tilt the majority towards the right.

In the scenario associated with a participation of 70%, the PP would reach 32.3% of the vote and 132 deputies. The PSOE would obtain 30.4% and 121; Vox, 18.1% and 62; Sumar and its environment, 7.1% and nine; and Podemos, 2.7% and two.

PP and Vox would sum 194 representatives, 18 above the 176 needed for an absolute majority. PSOE, Sumar, and Podemos would gather 132. This last sum includes those three candidacies and does not include the territorial parties.

The results come from a self-calculation of seats based on two national voting scenarios from the CIS estimates. The percentages of voting intention, sympathy, and recall have been the starting point of the exercise; the parliamentary distribution has been calculated constituency by constituency.

What results do the scenarios of 67% and 70% participation give

The 67% scenario places the PP at 32.5% of the vote, the PSOE at 30%, Vox at 18.5%, Sumar and its environment at 7%, and Podemos at 2.5%. With those supports, the projection attributes 133 deputies to the PP, 120 to the PSOE, 62 to Vox, eight to Sumar, and two to Podemos.

In the 70% scenario, the distance between PP and PSOE goes from 2.5 to 1.9 points. The PSOE obtains four tenths more, while the PP has two less . Vox drops four tenths, Sumar rises one, and Podemos, two. These are differences between the analyzed assumptions, not a temporal evolution measured by two surveys.

Vote and seats in the scenarios of 67% and 70% participation

Party Vote · 67% Seats · 67% Vote · 70% Seats · 70%
PP 32.5% 133 32.3% 132
PSOE / PSC 30.0% 120 30.4% 121
Vox 18.5% 62 18.1% 62
Sumar and environment 7.0% 8 7.1% 9
Podemos 2.5% 2 2.7% 2
ERC — 7 — 6
EH Bildu — 6 — 6
Junts — 5 — 5
PNV — 4 — 4
BNG — 1 — 1
Coalición Canaria — 1 — 1
UPN — 1 — 1
Total Congress 350 350

Source: own projection of Demócrata, conditioned to the national percentages and to the territorial assumptions of the model. It is not an official estimate of the CIS. The remaining vote -9.5% and 9.4%- is distributed among other candidacies and blank votes according to their weight in 2023.

The PSOE and Sumar obtain one more deputy; Vox retains the 62

The 70% scenario slightly improves the socialist representation and that of Sumar. The PSOE goes from 120 to 121 deputies and Sumar, from eight to nine. Podemos retains two, despite its percentage being somewhat higher. Vox maintains its 62 representatives, although its national support is four tenths lower.

The change is concentrated in two constituencies. In Alicante, the 70% scenario allocates a seat to Sumar that corresponds to the PP in the 67% scenario. In Barcelona, the PSOE obtains one that in the first scenario corresponds to ERC. The rest of the provincial distribution remains the same.

This does not mean that raising participation by three points automatically produces those movements. The scenarios incorporate different national percentages.

PP and Vox exceed the absolute majority in both scenarios

With the percentages associated with 67% participation, PP and Vox gather 51% of the vote and 195 deputies. In the 70% scenario, their sum stands at 50.4% and 194. The difference is six tenths and one seat.

The joint representation of PSOE, Sumar, and Podemos goes from 130 to 132 deputies, with an aggregated support that increases from 39.5% to 40.2%. The improvement of two seats reduces the gap but keeps PP and Vox above the absolute majority within the model.

The main parliamentary sums

PP and Vox would sum 195 or 194 deputies: absolute majority in both scenarios
Sum Vote · 67% Seats · 67% Vote · 70% Seats · 70%
PP + Vox 51.0% 195 50.4% 194
PSOE + Sumar + Podemos 39.5% 130 40.2% 132
Absolute majority — 176 — 176

Source: own projection of Demócrata. The sums include only the indicated candidacies and do not presuppose a government agreement. PSOE includes PSC; Sumar encompasses the space defined as "Sumar and environment" in the model.

Does it resemble the 23J? The PSOE would repeat seats, but the Congress would be different

The 70% scenario contains a striking coincidence with the last general elections: the PSOE would reach the same 121 deputies it obtained in 2023. However, the similarity ends when examining its possible partners and Vox.

The PP would have 132 seats, five less than the 137 from the 23J. Vox would go from 33 to 62, a gain of 29. Therefore, the setback of the PP compared to the last elections would be compatible with a much larger joint majority: from the 170 deputies of 2023 to 194.

To the left of the PSOE, Sumar and Podemos would gather eleven representatives, nine and two. In 2023, they ran within the same candidacy that obtained 31. The difference would be 20 seats. They are not identical candidacies, but the comparison allows observing the size of the joint loss of representation under the assumptions of the model.

Comparison of the 70% scenario with the general elections of 2023

PP and Vox would sum 195 or 194 deputies: absolute majority in both scenarios
Sum Vote · 67% Seats · 67% Vote · 70% Seats · 70%
PP + Vox 51.0% 195 50.4% 194
PSOE + Sumar + Podemos 39.5% 130 40.2% 132
Absolute majority — 176 — 176

Source: own projection of Demócrata. The sums include only the indicated candidacies and do not presuppose a government agreement. PSOE includes PSC; Sumar encompasses the space defined as "Sumar and environment" in the model.

The PSOE would maintain its representation with a percentage lower than that of 23J. There is no mathematical contradiction: deputies are distributed by constituencies and the result also depends on the votes of competitors and the allocation of the last seats.

The political conclusion of the exercise is there: repeating the 121 socialist deputies would not be enough to reproduce the parliamentary balance of 2023. The growth of Vox and the joint loss of Sumar and Podemos would modify the possibilities of forming a majority.

How the seats have been calculated and what limits the projection has

The analysis of Demócrata is based on a recalculation made from the direct voting intention tables, sympathy, and vote recall from the CIS. This exercise adjusts the weight of the vote recall groups using the results of 2023 as a reference and proposes two participation scenarios, of 67% and 70%.

From the resulting percentages, DEMÓCRATA has calculated a projection of seats in the 52 constituencies of Congress.

Under those conditions, the two scenarios offer the same parliamentary outcome: the PP would be the first force, the PSOE would be close in percentage, and PP and Vox would together exceed the absolute majority.

More key points, information and questions with FREN

AI-GENERATED CONTENT

What are the parliamentary steps required for the formation of a government after the general elections in Spain?

In Spain, the formation of a Government after general elections follows a very structured constitutional and parliamentary itinerary. It involves several successive phases: constitution of the new Cortes, opening of consultations by the King, proposal of a candidate, debate and investiture vote, and finally appointment of the president and ministers.

1. Situation after the elections: caretaker government

  • On election day, a Government is not yet formed: the outgoing Executive becomes a caretaker government from the election call and remains so until the new Government takes office.
  • A caretaker Government is limited to the ordinary handling of public affairs and must facilitate the process of forming the new Government and the transfer of powers.
  • The previous Cortes are dissolved; only the Permanent Deputation acts for exceptional cases (validation of decree-laws and states of alarm, exception, and siege).

2. Proclamation of results and constitution of the Cortes

  • After the general count and resolution of any appeals, the elected deputies and senators are officially proclaimed.
  • The King convenes the constitutive session of the Congress and the Senate on the date set in the royal decree of convocation.
  • In that session:
    • The elected members swear or promise the Constitution.
    • The members of the Board of the Congress (presidency, vice presidencies, and secretariats) and of the Senate are elected.
  • With the Board of the Congress elected, the Chamber is fully constituted and can begin to exercise its functions.

3. Constitution of parliamentary groups

  • Once the Chamber is constituted, parties and coalitions have a short deadline (usually a few working days) to communicate the formation of their parliamentary groups.
  • The Board verifies that they meet the regulatory requirements (minimum number of seats and other conditions) and declares them constituted.
  • Deputies who do not meet the requirements join the Mixed Group.
  • The existence of groups is key because through them the debate is structured, speaking times are distributed, and support for investiture is negotiated.

4. King's consultations and candidate proposal

  • Once the Congress is constituted, the King opens a round of consultations with representatives designated by the political groups with parliamentary presence.
  • After these consultations, the King proposes a candidate for the Presidency of the Government, which he communicates to the Presidency of the Congress.
  • The Presidency of the Congress sets the date for the investiture debate and formally convenes it.

5. Debate and investiture votes

  • The debate takes place in the Plenary of the Congress:
    • The candidate presents their Government program and asks for the confidence of the Chamber.
    • Spokespersons of the parliamentary groups intervene and there may be replies and rejoinders.
  • After the first part of the debate, the first vote is held:
    • To be invested, the candidate needs an absolute majority (half plus one of the members of the Congress).
  • If not obtained, a second vote 48 hours later is held:
    • In this second vote, a simple majority (more yes than no votes) suffices.
  • If still not elected, the King may, after new consultations, propose other successive candidates, repeating the debate and voting scheme.

6. Maximum deadline and possible repeat elections

  • The Constitution sets a maximum period of two months from the first investiture vote.
  • If in those two months no candidate obtains the confidence of the Congress:
    • The King, with the endorsement of the president of the Congress, dissolves both Chambers.
    • New general elections are automatically called.
    • Meanwhile, the Government continues in caretaker status.

7. Appointment of the president and formation of the Government

  • If a candidate is invested (in the first or successive votes):
    • The King appoints them President of the Government by royal decree published in the Official State Gazette (BOE).
    • The new president swears or promises the office before the King.
  • Then, the president proposes to the King the appointment of the ministers, also by royal decrees published in the BOE.
  • Once appointed and after their oath or promise, the new Council of Ministers begins to exercise full functions, ending the previous Government.

In summary, the formation of the Government after general elections is a process in which the Congress occupies a central position: the key is not only who wins the elections, but who is able to articulate the necessary parliamentary majorities to successfully overcome the investiture procedure.

Can you explain with recent examples how this investiture procedure was applied in the last legislatures? What differences are there between the role of the Congress and that of the Senate in the formation of the Government? What exactly can and cannot a caretaker Government do while the investiture is being negotiated?

What powers does the President of the Government of Spain have according to the Constitution?

The President of the Government of Spain is the highest authority of the executive power and their position is mainly regulated in the 1978 Constitution, especially in articles 97, 98, 112 to 116, and in other provisions where they appear as a proposing body to the King. From these articles, their powers can be grouped into several major blocks.

1. Direction of Government action and general policy
  • Directs the action of the Government (art. 97 CE): coordinates and guides the work of all ministers, sets priorities, distributes political competences among departments, and resolves internal conflicts.
  • Directs internal and external policy (art. 97 CE): although the Government acts collegially, the president sets the main lines both in the internal agenda (reforms, sectoral policies, crisis management) and in Spain's international projection (relations with other States, EU, international organizations, etc.).
  • Directs the civil and military Administration (art. 97 CE): heads the State's administrative organization and has the capacity to promote and coordinate ministries, agencies, and services of the General State Administration.
  • Supreme command of the Armed Forces (art. 97 CE): holds the political and strategic leadership of defense, although the King is the Head of State and “supreme commander of the Armed Forces” in a symbolic and representative sense (art. 62 h CE). In practice, the planning and political direction of defense correspond to the president and the Government.
2. Internal organization of the Government
  • Proposes the appointment and dismissal of ministers (art. 100 CE): the King appoints and removes ministers exclusively at the president's proposal. This allows the president to configure and reshape their government team (create or suppress portfolios, change holders, etc.).
  • Political responsibility of the Government as a whole: although responsibility before the Cortes lies with the Government as a whole, the president assumes the political leadership of the cabinet and primarily answers before the Congress in debates and parliamentary controls.
3. Relations of confidence with the Congress of Deputies
  • Vote of confidence (art. 112 CE): the president can submit a vote of confidence to the Congress on their program or a general policy declaration. If lost by a simple negative majority, they are obliged to resign.
  • Responsibility regarding the motion of censure (art. 113 CE): although the initiative corresponds to the Congress, it is the president who can be replaced if a constructive motion of censure (with an alternative candidate) succeeds, which underlines their centrality in the Executive-Legislative relationship.
4. Dissolution of the Cortes and calling of elections
  • Power to propose the dissolution of the Congress, the Senate, or the General Cortes (art. 115 CE): the King dissolves the Chambers and calls elections at the proposal of the president of the Government, which must be previously deliberated in the Council of Ministers. This power cannot be exercised during a state of exception or siege, nor when a motion of censure is underway.
  • Through this power, the president plays a decisive role in setting the electoral calendar, within constitutional and legal limits.
5. States of alarm, exception, and siege
  • Initiative and direction in states of crisis (art. 116 CE): the president leads the proposal and management of states of alarm, exception, and siege, which are declared by Government decree or parliamentary authorization, as the case may be. In practice, they lead the institutional response to serious emergencies (disasters, serious public order disturbances, etc.).
6. Other functions of proposal and promotion
  • Proposal of consultative referendum (art. 92.2 CE): the King can call consultative referendums on political decisions of special importance, but only at the proposal of the president of the Government, previously authorized by the Congress.
  • Other proposals to the King: in multiple formal acts of the Head of State (for example, appointments of high officials reserved to the King by the Constitution or laws), the president of the Government intervenes as a proposing or endorsing body, which grants them substantive power over these decisions.

Overall, the Constitution configures the president of the Government as the true center of gravity of the executive power, responsible for setting the country's political orientation, coordinating the Government, maintaining the confidence relationship with the Congress, and managing moments of institutional and electoral crisis.

What differences exist between the powers of the president of the Government and those of the King according to the Spanish Constitution? How does the investiture process of the president of the Government work step by step according to the Constitution? What is the vote of confidence and how does it differ from the motion of censure in the Spanish constitutional system?

What were the results of the 2023 Spanish general elections in terms of seats per party?

In the Spanish general elections of July 23, 2023, the Congress of Deputies (350 seats) was configured as follows, according to the official results published and compiled by various media and the BOE:

  • People's Party (PP): 137 seats
  • Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE): 121 seats
  • Vox: 33 seats
  • Sumar: 31 seats
  • Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC): 7 seats
  • Junts per Catalunya (Junts): 7 seats
  • Euskal Herria Bildu (EH Bildu): 6 seats
  • Basque Nationalist Party (PNV): 5 seats
  • Galician Nationalist Bloc (BNG): 1 seat
  • Canarian Coalition (CC): 1 seat
  • Navarrese People's Union (UPN): 1 seat

The total sum is 350 deputies, which is the fixed number of seats in the Congress.

Majorities and main blocks

The absolute majority in the Congress is set at 176 seats. From this figure, the resulting arithmetic is better understood:

  • The PP was the winning party in seats, with 137, but fell 39 seats short of the absolute majority.
  • The block formed by PP + Vox + UPN sums 137 + 33 + 1 = 171 seats, five below the absolute majority.
  • The left-wing block of PSOE + Sumar reaches 121 + 31 = 152 seats, clearly insufficient on its own to govern without additional support.

This distribution explains why, after 23-J, no ideological block had by itself the capacity to govern. The right and far-right were close but below 176 deputies, while the PSOE and Sumar alliance needed to weave agreements with several nationalist and independentist formations to reach a viable majority.

Role of nationalist and independent parties

The results of non-state-wide parties were decisive for the balance of forces:

  • ERC: 7 seats
  • Junts: 7 seats
  • EH Bildu: 6 seats
  • PNV: 5 seats
  • BNG: 1 seat
  • CC: 1 seat

Combined, these parties reach 27 seats. The information analyzed by the newspaper Demócrata about the legislature arising from 23-J highlights that the government coalition's options (PSOE and Sumar, with 147 seats if Podemos' split is also subsequently added) depend precisely on agreements with ERC, Junts, EH Bildu, PNV, BNG, and CC, in addition to the five deputies that Podemos later maintained in the Mixed Group. Combined with the left-wing block, these supports allow surpassing the absolute majority threshold against the 171 deputies grouped by PP, Vox, and UPN.

Resulting parliamentary balance

From a strictly numerical point of view, the Congress resulting from the 2023 general elections presents a very tight balance:

  • The right-wing opposition (PP, Vox, and UPN) represents a compact block of 171 seats, enough to block any initiative that does not manage to gather a slightly broader majority than the basic investiture arithmetic.
  • The government space (PSOE and Sumar) needs, practically in every relevant vote, the support of most nationalist and independentist forces to reach or exceed the 176 votes necessary in organic laws and key issues.
  • Smaller formations like BNG or Canarian Coalition, with 1 seat each, can be decisive in very close votes, tipping the balance toward one or the other block.

In summary, the 2023 results configured a very fragmented Congress of Deputies, with a clearly winning party in seats (PP) but without the capacity to articulate a government majority on its own, and with a progressive block that, despite starting with fewer seats, could build an alternative majority only through a complex network of agreements with several territorial parties.

How were the seats distributed by constituencies in the 2023 general elections? What differences were there in vote percentage between PP, PSOE, Vox, and Sumar in the 2023 elections? How did these 2023 results influence the subsequent investiture negotiations?

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How much do you know about this topic? Answer the following 3 questions.

What majority would PP and Vox together obtain in the 70% turnout scenario?

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Which party would maintain the same number of seats as in the 2023 general elections according to the Demócrata projection?

Question 2 of 3

In which constituency would Sumar win a seat from PP in the 70% turnout scenario?

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