Democrat at Atresmedia: who leads the digital power of the lefts in the face of the failure of their electoral unity

Atresmedia analyzes with Adrián Lardiez, director of Parliamentary Information of Demócrata, the digital influence of the leaders of the alternative left, in the midst of the pre-campaign for the 29N.

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España vota · Congreso y Senado

Elecciones generales 29 de noviembre de 2026

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The failure of the negotiations for a unitary candidacy of the alternative left ahead of the 29N has highlighted the differences between its main leaders, who also maintain a particular dispute for their influence on social networks. A competition that Demócrata has analyzed through Poder Digital, an application developed by Vinces, and that this Friday reached Atresmedia

The Atresmedia channel has dedicated a report to the digital leadership of the parties situated to the left of the PSOE, for which it has counted on Adrián Lardiez, director of Parliamentary Information of Demócrata. His intervention took place in the final stretch of the negotiations between Frente Amplio and Podemos, which ended last night without a state agreement to jointly run in the general elections on November 29.

The outcome came after a final exchange of proposals. Frente Amplio offered Podemos priority starting positions in Madrid and Catalonia, in addition to their incorporation with full rights into the coalition and a spokesperson position in the future parliamentary group. The purple formation responded with a counterproposal focused on territorial agreements, which specifically excluded Madrid and Catalonia.

The differences prevented closing the joint candidacy that both parties had explored over the last few months. Although the organizations have reached understandings in certain territories, the space situated to the left of the PSOE will arrive at the elections with different electoral formulas, far from the state unity that had been proposed.

Irene Montero and Gabriel Rufián stand out in Demócrata's ranking

In this context, the Atresmedia report has focused on the digital influence of the leaders who are at the center of the debate on the unity of the left.

According to the data from Poder Digital, Irene Montero and Gabriel Rufián are the two profiles that stand out the most, with scores above 80 out of 100 on the RIO index. At a greater distance appears Emilio Delgado, followed by leaders such as Mónica García, Ada Colau, Ernest Urtasun, and Óskar Matute.

"Basically, there are two profiles that stand out above the rest to the left of the PSOE," Lardiez explained during his intervention at Atresmedia.

The director of Parliamentary Information of Demócrata pointed out that leadership on digital platforms does not depend solely on the number of followers or the frequency of publication, but on the ability of politicians to connect with their communities.

"Having many followers does not necessarily grant you digital power," he emphasized, explaining that the methodology of Demócrata measures three fundamental elements: regularity, interaction, and originality.

The electoral call marks a turning point on social media

The report also analyzed the evolution of leaders since October 4, on the eve of the electoral call. The data shows a widespread increase in activity and interactions coinciding with the advance of the elections.

"The main turning point is the electoral call", Lardiez explained when asked about the events capable of modifying the behavior of leaders on social media. "At the moment the electoral shaker is stirred, the conversation grows," he added.

However, the electoral advance is not the only factor that has influenced the activity on the platforms. The housing crisis and the migratory situation in Ceuta have also gained prominence in the political conversation, although Lardiez clarified that their effect does not necessarily translate into an increase in the influence of a specific leader.

Both issues "are indeed elements that have been gaining traction in this conversation," he explained, but not so much because they have "impacted one leader or another, but more in the field." That is to say, they have contributed to increasing the volume of publications and interactions around certain debates, without that growth being automatically attributed to a politician.

As an example, Lardiez referred to the migratory crisis of Ceuta, where the monitoring of Poder Digital allowed for the detection that some right-wing profiles managed to take greater advantage of the increase in conversation. "In the case of Ceuta, we captured that some right-wing profiles knew how to capitalize a bit more on this growth," he pointed out.

The director of Parliamentary Information of Demócrata explained that this evolution should be interpreted taking into account the methodology of the tool, which incorporates among its indicators the volume of conversation and interactions. When an issue like Ceuta or housing strongly enters the public debate, the digital activity around that topic increases, although it does not necessarily change the relative position of all leaders.

The differences between platforms also turn out to be significant. Gabriel Rufián maintains a prominent presence on X, Instagram, and TikTok, while Irene Montero stands out especially on this last social network. Ada Colau, for her part, concentrates a good part of her activity on Instagram and has experienced growth associated with her return to the political front line.

From electoral disagreement to the dispute for influence

The closure of negotiations between Frente Amplio and Podemos added a new dimension to the analysis. While the parties have not managed to articulate a shared state candidacy, their main representatives maintain their own digital communities, with different levels of interaction and presence.

The classification developed by Demócrata allows observing these differences, although it does not constitute a vote estimate nor measure the electoral support of each leader. Its objective is to identify the capacity to generate conversation and influence on digital platforms.

More key points, information and questions with FREN

AI-GENERATED CONTENT

What is the legislative status of the call for the general elections on November 29 and what are the next parliamentary procedures?

The call for the general elections on November 29, 2026 is already approved, published, and in force. It is not pending approval by the Congress or the Senate: it has been formalized through Royal Decree 806/2026, dated October 5. The next expressly established parliamentary milestone in that regulation is the constitution of the new Chambers, on December 23, at ten o'clock.

Legal status of the call

The Royal Decree 806/2026 was issued at the proposal of the President of the Government, after deliberation by the Council of Ministers on October 5, and was published in the BOE on October 6, 2026. Its final provision states: "This royal decree shall enter into force on the same day of its publication in the Official State Gazette."

Therefore, as of October 17, the call is already effective. The important distinction is that it is a royal decree of dissolution and electoral call, not a royal decree-law nor a bill. It does not require parliamentary ratification, an amendment period, or successive approval in both Chambers.

The regulation itself invokes Article 115 of the Constitution and Article 42.1 of the Organic Law of the General Electoral Regime as the basis for the call.

What has been decided
  • Dissolution of the Chambers: Article 1 provides that the Congress and Senate elected on July 23, 2023, are dissolved.
  • Election day: Article 2 calls elections to both Chambers for Sunday, November 29, 2026.
  • Territorial representation: Article 3 and the annex determine the deputies corresponding to each constituency and the rules for electing senators.
  • Electoral campaign: will last fifteen days, from midnight on Friday, November 13 until midnight on Friday, November 27.
  • Parliamentary constitution: the new Chambers will meet on December 23, at ten o'clock.
What are the next parliamentary procedures

There is no pending parliamentary vote to authorize these elections. The immediate process is electoral: to carry out the process according to electoral legislation, hold the vote, and determine the elected representatives. These acts should not be confused with the processing of a legislative initiative.

The next parliamentary milestone expressly set by the decree is the constitutive sessions of the Congress and the Senate. Article 5 states: "The resulting Chambers shall meet, in constitutive sessions, on December 23, at ten o'clock." This is the official date that marks the resumption of activity of the new Chambers.

The decree does not set a date for the investiture nor contain a calendar of subsequent votes. Therefore, December 23 should not be presented as the date for electing the President of the Government: what is convened for that day is the parliamentary constitution.

What happens with previous initiatives

Dissolution also has legislative consequences: pending parliamentary initiatives generally expire, with legally provided exceptions. Pending royal decrees-laws for ratification do not expire for this reason and can be examined by the Permanent Deputation. This does not make the electoral decree a norm pending ratification.

In summary: the call is in force; it does not require further parliamentary approval. The decisive dates already established are November 29 for voting and December 23 for constituting the new Chambers.

What are the powers and competencies of a spokesperson in a parliamentary group according to Spanish legislation?

A parliamentary spokesperson represents the group and channels its actions before the Chamber, but does not have general authority to decide for all its members. Their powers mainly come from the Rules of each Parliament; political leadership and internal distribution of responsibilities also depend on the group's own rules.

Therefore, there is no single catalog applicable indistinctly to the Congress, the Senate, and all regional parliaments. The specific powers detailed below are documented in the Congress Rules; they should not be automatically transferred to other chambers.

1. Representation and designation

Article 24.2 requires that the group's constitutive document identify who exercises its spokesperson role and who may substitute them. The spokesperson is thus the group's formal interlocutor, although they do not have to personally make all interventions.

Additionally, they intervene expressly in certain incorporations: Article 26 requires their acceptance for a deputy who later acquires that status to join the group. Article 24.3 also contemplates their acceptance for the associations provided in that provision.

2. Participation in the Board of Spokespersons

This is one of their main institutional powers. According to Article 39, spokespersons are members of the Board of Spokespersons, chaired by the Presidency of the Congress. They participate, therefore, in a body distinct from the Chamber's Board: being a spokesperson does not make its holder a member of the Board.

  • The Presidency convenes the Board on its own initiative or at the request of two groups or one-fifth of the members of the Chamber.
  • The spokesperson may be substituted and attend accompanied by another group member, who does not have voting rights.
  • Decisions are made by weighted vote: the vote weight corresponds to the group's representation, not numerical equality among spokespersons.

This participation should be distinguished from the capacity to unilaterally order parliamentary work: the spokesperson acts within the procedures and powers of the Chamber's bodies.

3. Presentation of initiatives and amendments

The Rules attribute specific effects to their signature. Article 126.1 allows a group to present a bill with only the signature of its spokesperson. That signature expresses the group's initiative; it does not replace subsequent processing nor guarantee its approval.

Article 110.1 requires that amendments to a bill bear the signature of the spokesperson of the group to which the deputy belongs, or their substitute, "for mere knowledge purposes." This nuance is important: the provision does not configure that signature as a general political authorization. Its omission can be remedied before starting the committee discussion.

Also, full amendments are reserved for parliamentary groups, according to Article 110.3.

4. Interventions and internal organization

It is advisable to distinguish between group spokesperson, substitutes, and sectoral spokespersons. The existence of substitutes is expressly foreseen; the distribution of subjects, preparation of interventions, and political coordination correspond to internal organization, within the Rules.

For the Mixed Group, Article 75 establishes a specific rule: if all its present members agree to intervene through a single person, the spokesperson or their substitute communicates that agreement to the Presidency. If there is no agreement, the time distribution and dispute resolution rules of the same article apply.

In short, what the group can do, what the Rules expressly attribute to its spokesperson, and what the spokesperson performs by internal assignment must always be separated. None of these categories is automatically interchangeable.

What has been Irene Montero's political trajectory before her digital leadership?

Before standing out for her digital presence, Irene Montero had gone through social activism, leadership in Podemos, parliamentary spokespersonship, and the Ministry of Equality. Her public notoriety, therefore, did not originate on social media: it was preceded by political and institutional responsibilities. Her trajectory continued in the European Parliament after leaving the Spanish Government.

From youth activism to housing advocacy

Montero, born in Madrid in 1988 and trained in Psychology, began her political participation in adolescence, linked to the Union of Communist Youth of Spain. During her university years, she participated in the student movement, protests against the Bologna Plan, and the 15M mobilizations. These early spaces of militancy preceded her incorporation into institutional politics, according to profiles from HuffPost and Última Hora.

The Mortgage Victims Platform was another important area of her activity. In Madrid, she participated in defending the right to housing and in mobilizations against evictions. That experience continued in Podemos' founding assembly, where she intervened in presenting a housing proposal. This path appears in profiles from Infobae and elDiario.es.

Joining Podemos and internal rise

She joined Podemos in 2014, after the European elections. That year she took on responsibilities in Social Movements and joined the State Citizen Council, the party's governing body. Later she was chief of staff to Pablo Iglesias, then secretary general. Before holding a seat, therefore, she had already performed organizational and political coordination tasks within the party (El Español, 06/04/2024).

From the seat to parliamentary spokespersonship

She was elected deputy for Madrid in December 2015 and renewed her seat in 2016 and in the two general elections of 2019. Her time in Congress covered legislatures XI, XII, XIII, and XIV. Initially, she served as deputy spokesperson before assuming the confederal group spokespersonship in 2017 (European Parliament CV).

The speech she made during Podemos' no-confidence motion against Mariano Rajoy in 2017 was one of the episodes that increased her public recognition. Her position as spokesperson placed her among the main parliamentary leaders of the party before entering the Executive (Última Hora, 06/09/2023).

Minister of Equality between 2020 and 2023

In January 2020, she assumed the Ministry of Equality within the coalition government between PSOE and Unidas Podemos. She remained in office until November 2023. Her responsibility included equality policies, women's rights, and LGTBI rights (Profile at Demócrata).

During her tenure, the reform of abortion legislation, the Trans Law, and the comprehensive law guaranteeing sexual freedom, known as the "only yes means yes" law, were promoted. The latter was accompanied by intense controversy over its legal effects. The ministerial stage concentrated both her institutional intervention capacity and much of the political confrontation around her figure (Newtral, 05/24/2024).

European continuity

After leaving the Government, she was elected MEP in 2024. Since July of that year, she holds a vice-presidency of the Committee on Women's Rights and Gender Equality. Her subsequent digital visibility is thus understood over a prior political trajectory, not as its beginning (European Parliament).

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