The partners of the candidates of 29N: from Begoña Gómez and Eva Cárdenas to Lidia Bedman, Pablo Iglesias and Marta Pagola

The kiss of Pedro Sánchez to Begoña Gómez during the rally in Fuenlabrada has put the spotlight on the personal lives of the main political leaders. Businessmen, journalists, former public officials, and communication professionals are part of the romantic stories of those who will star in the general elections on November 29.

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España vota · Congreso y Senado

Elecciones generales 29 de noviembre de 2026

Se eligen 350 diputados y los senadores de elección directa. Encuestas, calendario, candidaturas, programas y todo lo que necesitas saber para votar.

Faltan 42 días y 17 horas para que abran los colegios electorales.Hasta que abran los colegios, el domingo 29 a las 09:00 (hora peninsular).
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  1. Presentación de candidaturas al Congreso y al Senado21–26 oct · Fecha prevista
  2. Voto desde el extranjero (CERA): envío de la documentación24–30 oct · Fecha prevista
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  4. Proclamación de candidaturasFecha prevista
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The campaign for the general elections on the upcoming November 29 begins to leave images that go beyond political speeches and confrontations between parties. One of the most notable occurred this Saturday in Fuenlabrada (Madrid), where the President of the Government, Pedro Sánchez, surprised his wife, Begoña Gómez, with a declaration of love in front of thousands of socialist militants. "Let them hear it loud and clear: I love you", proclaimed the PSOE candidate before both embraced and kissed on stage, amid the applause of the attendees.

"They have tried to break us in every way and they have not succeeded. Today we are more united than ever", Sánchez assured, who also thanked Gómez for her support over the past years. The moment, featuring the couple residing in La Moncloa, has returned attention to the more personal dimension of political leaders, a facet that usually remains in the background but gains greater visibility during election campaigns.

With Alberto Núñez Feijóo, Santiago Abascal, Irene Montero, and Ada Colau among the main candidates for the Presidency of the Government, and with Gabriel Rufián and Emilio Delgado as relevant figures of the ERC and the Broad Front candidacies, the electoral landscape also brings together very different family stories. Some couples met before their protagonists reached the political front line, others began their relationships in the very institutional spaces, and some have followed different paths over time.

Pedro Sánchez and Begoña Gómez: a story that began in 2003 and celebrates twenty years of marriage

Pedro Sánchez and Begoña Gómez met in 2003 during a birthday party in Madrid, when the current President of the Government was still far from becoming one of the main protagonists of Spanish politics. According to both of them in different interviews, the meeting led to a relationship that solidified over the following years. Sánchez came to acknowledge that he had to insist to win her over, while Gómez described that first contact as a love at first sight.

The couple married in 2006 in a civil ceremony officiated by the socialist Trinidad Jiménez and has two daughters. In 2026 they celebrate twenty years of marriage, a stage during which they have moved from a life away from institutional exposure to occupying a prominent place in current Spanish politics. Among their shared hobbies is music, especially concerts and independent bands, a passion they have shown in some of their public appearances.

Begoña Gómez has developed her professional career in areas related to marketing, consulting, and fundraising, and has accompanied Sánchez in different institutional and electoral events. However, her public presence has also been marked in recent years by judicial investigations into her professional activities, which have generated intense political controversy.

The rally in Fuenlabrada offered a different image of the couple. Sánchez has temporarily set aside his electoral proposals to address his wife, thank her for her support, and assert the strength of their marriage. The kiss, the hug, and the "I love you" spoken in front of the party members have turned their relationship into one of the most talked-about moments of the start of the socialist pre-campaign.

Alberto Núñez Feijóo and Eva Cárdenas: from meeting on a plane to a life between business and politics

The story of Alberto Núñez Feijóo and Eva Cárdenas has a very different origin. According to one of the accounts published about their first meetings, they both coincided during a flight between Madrid and A Coruña in 2013, when Feijóo was president of the Xunta de Galicia and Cárdenas was one of the main executives of the Inditex group. A conversation during that trip is said to have led to new meetings and, ultimately, to a romantic relationship that they have maintained for more than a decade.

Eva Cárdenas has an extensive career in the business world. She was one of the main responsible for the creation and expansion of Zara Home, the decoration chain of the group founded by Amancio Ortega, and developed much of her professional career within Inditex. After leaving the company, she continued to be linked to business and advisory projects, maintaining her own activity apart from the political responsibilities of her partner.

Both have a child in common, born in 2017, and have tried to preserve their family life from media exposure. Although Cárdenas occasionally accompanies the president of the Popular Party at public events, she usually maintains a discreet profile. In an interview granted to Vanity Fair, the businesswoman described Feijóo as a family-oriented person, close and with a sense of humor, and explained that they both maintain their own professional spaces.

The relationship began when both had developed established careers, a circumstance that has marked their way of organizing cohabitation. Cárdenas does not hold organic responsibilities within the PP and has continued to focus on her business activity, while Feijóo has moved from Galician regional politics to the national leadership of his party.

Santiago Abascal and Lidia Bedman: a relationship that combines politics, social media, and family life

In the case of Santiago Abascal, president of Vox, his wife is Lidia Bedman, a content creator specialized in fashion, communication, and lifestyle. Born in Alicante, she has training in Advertising and Public Relations and has developed a career linked to social media, where she shares aspects of her professional activity, fashion-related recommendations, and some moments of her daily life.

The couple married in June 2018 in San Vicente del Raspeig (Alicante) and has three children together. Bedman has built her own digital presence, independent of her husband's political responsibilities, although she occasionally participates in events related to Vox or shares family images alongside the leader.

Among the activities that both publicly display are excursions, walks in nature, and family getaways. Precisely, at the beginning of October, a few days before the announcement of the early general elections, Abascal and Bedman shared images of a day in the countryside with their children, one of those occasions when the politician appears away from rallies and institutional activity.

The relationship also allows observing the connection between politics and digital communication. Bedman uses social media as part of her professional activity, while Abascal has turned these platforms into a prominent tool of his political communication strategy. Despite this exposure, both reserve a good part of their family life for the private sphere.

Irene Montero and Pablo Iglesias: a couple linked to the birth and evolution of Podemos

Irene Montero and Pablo Iglesias represent one of the cases in which the sentimental relationship and the political trajectory have been closely related. Both participated in the development of Podemos, a formation that burst onto the Spanish political scene in 2014 and made Iglesias one of the main leaders of the country. Montero progressively gained prominence within the party until she became Minister of Equality during Pedro Sánchez's first coalition government.

The couple has three children together and has spoken on different occasions about the difficulties of balancing parenting with political activity. Montero has recounted in interviews everyday aspects of her family life, such as organizing schedules, sharing responsibilities, and playtime with their children. A domestic reality that contrasts with the high public exposure that both have maintained for much of their careers.

Their institutional trajectories have followed different paths in recent years. Pablo Iglesias left the political front line in 2021, after leaving the Vice Presidency of the Government and running in the Madrid regional elections. Since then, he has developed journalistic and communication projects, including Canal Red, while Montero continues to be linked to political activity and has been confirmed as Podemos' candidate for the Presidency of the Government for the 29N.

The story of both is tied to the evolution of the Spanish left over the last decade. From sharing responsibilities in Podemos and in institutions, they have moved on to develop different professional activities, although they maintain a common family project.

Ada Colau and Adrià Alemany: from housing activism to an amicable separation

The sentimental situation of Ada Colau, candidate of the Broad Front for the Presidency of the Government, is different from that of the other leaders in this journey. Adrià Alemany is her ex-partner, a circumstance that the former mayor of Barcelona herself made public in March 2025, when she explained that they had been separated for approximately three years. Both had maintained a relationship of about fifteen years and have two children together.

Colau and Alemany met through activism for the right to housing, before the leader arrived at the Mayor's Office of Barcelona in 2015. Alemany, an economist by training, was linked to the mobilizations against evictions and shared with Colau a period in which the Platform of Those Affected by Mortgages gained notable influence in the public debate.

Their relationship coincided with a large part of the political rise of the former mayor, from her activity in social movements to the eight years in which she governed Barcelona. However, both decided to embark on separate sentimental paths and have maintained a collaborative relationship in raising their children. "We get along very well for the kids", Colau explained when she spoke publicly about her new family situation.

The precision is important because some biographical profiles still present Alemany as the current partner of the leader. Colau faces her return to the political front line as a candidate of the Broad Front after having closed that sentimental stage, maintaining with her ex-partner a family relationship that both have tried to preserve.

Gabriel Rufián and Marta Pagola: a relationship that was born between the halls of Congress

The Congress of Deputies has not only been the stage for the political career of Gabriel Rufián, spokesperson for ERC and head of the list of the republican formation for Barcelona. It was also the place where he met Marta Pagola, a journalist linked to parliamentary communication and press officer of the Basque Nationalist Party (PNV) in the Lower House.

They both coincided in their work environment, although from different responsibilities: Rufián as a deputy and spokesperson for Esquerra Republicana, and Pagola as a professional in charge of managing communication and relations with the media of the Basque nationalist group. Those meetings led to a relationship that culminated in June 2022 with a wedding held in Irún, attended by family, friends, and political representatives such as Oriol Junqueras and Joan Tardà.

In January 2024 they had their first child together, the second for Rufián, who was already a father from a previous relationship. Despite the notoriety of the deputy, both have maintained a relatively discreet profile regarding their sentimental and family life, avoiding turning their relationship into a regular element of public communication.

Pagola has its own professional trajectory in the field of journalism and institutional communication, while Rufián continues to be one of the main figures of ERC in Madrid. His story connects two professions that coexist daily in Congress: parliamentary representation and the work of the press teams that accompany political groups.

Emilio Delgado and Elia: rock and concerts as shared hobbies

The journey is completed with Emilio Delgado, leader of Más Madrid and head of the list of Frente Amplio for the Madrid constituency, whose partner is Elia Sánchez Jiménez. Unlike other leaders, Delgado has shared some aspects of his relationship mainly through social media, where both appear in different moments of leisure.

According to the information published about their personal life, the couple has been together for several years and shares their passion for rock music, especially for concerts. Their posts also show getaways, plans related to nature, and sports activities, interests that are part of the more everyday facet of the Madrid politician.

Delgado is the father of a son from a previous relationship, with whom he shares time and family responsibilities. The leader has spoken in various interviews about his concern for the future of new generations, especially on issues related to housing, equality of opportunities, and climate change.

In his social profiles, his two cats also appear, in addition to images of concerts and trips. These details allow for a glimpse into a part of his life away from the Assembly of Madrid and the political negotiations that have ultimately placed him at the forefront of the Madrid candidacy of Frente Amplio.

The families and partners of the candidates also emerge in the 29N campaign

The personal stories of the main candidates reflect different ways of relating private life to the public exposure demanded by politics. While some couples, like Eva Cárdenas and Alberto Núñez Feijóo, have chosen to maintain a discreet profile, others, like Santiago Abascal and Lidia Bedman, share certain family moments through social media. There are also relationships directly linked to institutional activity, such as those of Irene Montero and Pablo Iglesias or Gabriel Rufián and Marta Pagola, and trajectories that have evolved towards a separation, like that of Ada Colau and Adrià Alemany.

In any case, the partners of the leaders have their own professional and personal trajectories, which are not always related to the political activity of the candidates. The electoral campaign can increase their visibility, but their public presence responds to different circumstances and decisions in each case.

The gesture of Pedro Sánchez towards Begoña Gómez in Fuenlabrada has been a particularly visible example of how family life can intrude into a political event. Among the speeches about pensions, housing, and electoral mobilization, the president dedicated a few minutes to his wife and turned a personal declaration into one of the images of the pre-campaign. A kiss and a "I love you" that have also served to look towards the stories that accompany those who aspire to lead the country after November 29.

More key points, information and questions with FREN

AI-GENERATED CONTENT

What parliamentary procedures remain pending for the official call of the general elections on November 29?

No vote from the Congress or the Senate is needed to call general elections. Therefore, there is no parliamentary authorization that must be approved before formalizing the call for November 29. The important distinction is between the political announcement of that date and the call with legal effects, which requires the corresponding royal decree and its official publication.

What formalizes the call

In an early call by decision of the Prime Minister, the procedure does not consist of presenting an initiative before the Cortes. The Prime Minister, after deliberation of the Council of Ministers and under his exclusive responsibility, proposes to the king the dissolution of the Chambers. The dissolution decree sets the election date.

Therefore, the relevant actions belong to the Executive branch and the Head of State: the Prime Minister's proposal, the deliberation of the Council of Ministers, the issuance of the royal decree by the king, its countersignature, and its publication in the Official State Gazette. These are not parliamentary procedures and do not require a favorable majority of deputies or senators.

According to the sources consulted, the specific royal decree calling the November 29 elections is not recorded. Consequently, it is not appropriate here to present its publication as pending nor to assume it has already occurred. What can be answered is that its formalization does not depend on the Chambers previously approving a law, a motion, or an authorization.

What role does the Permanent Deputation have

The Permanent Deputation does not call the elections nor ratify their call. Its function is to guarantee the continuity of certain parliamentary powers when the Chambers are dissolved or their mandate has expired, until the new Cortes are constituted.

The technical documentation consulted highlights two areas of action during that period:

  • Royal decree-laws: it can validate or repeal them within the constitutional period of thirty days from their promulgation. That decision maintains or nullifies a decree-law; it does not authorize the holding of elections.
  • States of alarm, exception, and siege: it assumes the constitutional powers corresponding to the Congress in these cases, including certain authorizations and extensions.

Therefore, a possible meeting of the Permanent Deputation before the November 29 vote should not be interpreted as a necessary step to activate the electoral call. It may respond to other constitutionally foreseen matters.

Dissolution and caretaker government are not the same

It is also advisable to separate the call and dissolution of the Cortes from the Government's situation. Calling elections does not by itself turn the Executive into a caretaker government. These are distinct legal moments.

The technical note consulted places the caretaker government period after the elections scheduled for November 29, from November 30 until the new Government takes office. During that period, its actions are limited to the ordinary handling of public affairs, except in cases of proven urgency or duly justified reasons of general interest.

In short, the question is not what parliamentary vote is missing, but whether the royal decree formalizing the call has been published. No action by the Plenary, a committee, or the Permanent Deputation replaces that publication. It is also not necessary to complete pending parliamentary initiatives to be able to call the elections.

What are the powers and attributions of the Prime Minister in Spain according to the Constitution?

In the Spanish constitutional system, the Prime Minister is the central figure of the executive power. The 1978 Constitution does not provide a single exhaustive list, but through various articles (especially 97, 98, 99, 100, 112‑115, and 116), his powers and attributions are clearly deduced. They are systematically presented below.

1. Direction of the Government and political action

The core function of the Prime Minister is set out in Article 97:

  • Directs the Government's action: sets major priorities, coordinates ministers, and decides the general political orientation of the executive.
  • Directs domestic and foreign policy: leads the definition of the basic lines of national policy (economy, public services, public order, etc.) and relations with other States and international organizations.
  • Directs the civil and military administration and State defense: assumes political leadership over the administrative structure and defense policy orientation, although the supreme command of the Armed Forces corresponds to the King.
  • Joint responsibility of the Government: the Government as a whole is politically responsible for the action he directs before the Congress of Deputies.

2. Relationship with ministers and Government composition

The Constitution assigns the Prime Minister a decisive role in organizing the Government (arts. 98 and 100):

  • Proposes to the King the appointment and dismissal of ministers: can configure the government team, create or suppress portfolios through organizational norms, and reshape the Government.
  • Coordinates Government members: ensures coherence among different ministries and resolves political competence conflicts within the executive.
  • Directs Council of Ministers meetings: sets the political agenda and arbitrates collective decision-making.

3. Relationship with the Cortes Generales

The Prime Minister is the main hinge between the Government and Parliament. His key attributions are:

  • Investiture (art. 99): elected by the Congress of Deputies, at the King's proposal, through a confidence vote. Without this investiture, he cannot exercise the office.
  • Vote of confidence (art. 112): can present a vote of confidence to the Congress on his program or a general policy declaration. If lost, the Government must resign.
  • Dissolution of the Cortes (art. 115): can propose to the King the dissolution of the Congress, the Senate, or both Chambers and the call for general elections, with certain temporal limits (not during a state of exception or siege, nor if a motion of censure is underway, and respecting a minimum time since the last dissolution).
  • Ordinary control relationship: responds to questions, interpellations, and appearances through parliamentary political control mechanisms, although these are articulated by the Chambers in their Rules.

4. Relationship with the King and countersigning acts

Although the Head of State corresponds to the King, the Prime Minister plays an essential role through countersigning (arts. 64 and related):

  • Countersigns acts of the King linked to the Government: for example, appointment and dismissal of ministers, dissolution of the Chambers, calling elections, or certain civil and military appointments.
  • Proposes to the King the call for a consultative referendum (art. 92): the referendum is called by the King but must have a proposal from the Prime Minister, previously authorized by the Congress.
  • Channels political-institutional communication between the Crown and the Government, guaranteeing political responsibility for the acts of the Head of State.

5. States of crisis and security

In constitutional crisis matters, the Prime Minister's figure is also central (art. 116):

  • Promotes the declaration of states of alarm, exception, and siege: it is the Government, under his direction, that declares the state of alarm and requests Congress authorization for states of exception and siege.
  • Coordinates State action in emergency situations, both civil (civil protection, major disasters) and military or security-related.

6. Responsibility and limits

The Prime Minister's powers are not unlimited: they are framed within a parliamentary system and the principle of legality.

  • Political responsibility: Congress can demand responsibility through a motion of censure (art. 113), which if successful requires his dismissal and replacement by a new Prime Minister.
  • Subjection to the Constitution and laws (art. 9.1): his decisions must respect the constitutional framework, fundamental rights, and the distribution of powers with autonomous communities.
  • Legal responsibility: although the Constitution establishes certain special provisions for the criminal responsibility of the Prime Minister and Government members, they are not exempt from judicial control.

Overall, the Constitution configures the Prime Minister as the true director of national policy and head of the executive power, but always subject to the democratic control of Congress, the constitutional framework, and necessary collaboration with the King and other State institutions.

How exactly is the Prime Minister elected during the investiture procedure? What differences exist between the powers of the Prime Minister and those of the King according to the Constitution? What does the motion of censure consist of and how can it cause the dismissal of the Prime Minister?

What results did PSOE, PP, Vox, and Podemos obtain in the last general elections?

The last general elections held in Spain were on July 23, 2023. In the Congress, the PP obtained 137 seats, the PSOE 121, and Vox 33. Podemos did not run separately but was integrated into the Sumar coalition, which obtained 31 deputies; therefore, there is no independent vote percentage for Podemos.

The results of each party
  • PSOE: obtained 7,760,970 votes, equivalent to 31.70% of the valid vote, and 121 seats. It was the second candidacy in votes and parliamentary representation. It was 16 deputies behind the PP, which was the candidacy with the most seats in those elections. These data correspond to the definitive result, not an electoral estimate. (Results of 23J).
  • PP: obtained 8,091,840 votes, 33.05% of the valid vote, and 137 seats. It was the first candidacy both in votes and deputies. Its advantage over PSOE was 330,870 votes and 1.35 percentage points, as well as 16 seats difference. (Results of 23J).
  • Vox: gathered 3,033,744 votes, 12.39% of the valid vote, and obtained 33 seats. It was the third candidacy in parliamentary representation, behind PP and PSOE. It surpassed Sumar by two deputies, which obtained 31. (Demócrata Comparison; Votes and percentages).
  • Podemos: did not have a separate electoral candidacy. It participated within Sumar, whose joint result was 12.31% of the votes and 31 seats. These figures belong to the entire coalition: they should not be attributed exclusively to Podemos nor presented as if they were its individual result. (Coalition result).
The important clarification about Podemos

To correctly compare the four parties you mention, one must distinguish between a party and the candidacy with which it ran. In the case of Podemos, the 2023 votes were counted for the joint Sumar candidacy. Therefore, there is no separate figure that allows stating how many votes Podemos alone received in those elections. (Podemos integrated in Sumar).

It would also not be correct to summarize its result simply by saying it obtained zero deputies: that expression could be confused with having run alone and not having achieved representation. The precise statement is that it had no independent electoral result and that the coalition in which it participated obtained 31 seats. (2023 joint candidacy).

What those results added up to

PP and Vox gathered 170 deputies, six fewer than the 176 needed to reach an absolute majority in Congress. Meanwhile, PSOE and Sumar totaled 152 seats. These sums describe the distribution from the polls; they should not be confused with individual results of Podemos nor with projections from subsequent polls. (Definitive distribution; Sum of PSOE and Sumar).

In short, the comparison is: PP, 137; PSOE, 121; Vox, 33; and Podemos, integrated into a Sumar candidacy that obtained 31. All the above figures refer to the Congress of Deputies, not the Senate. (Congress results).

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How many years of marriage will Pedro Sánchez and Begoña Gómez celebrate in 2026?

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