Vox questions the majority of the Permanent Deputation and demands to review the distribution of votes

To modify the composition of the Permanent Deputation of the Congress, one must combine what is expressly stated in the Congress Regulations (mainly articles 56 and 40) with established parliamentary practice. There is no specific “extraordinary” procedure: the general scheme for the appointment and modification of the Chamber's bodies is applied, always respecting the composition rules of the Permanent Deputation.

1. Basic regulatory framework

The Congress Regulations establish that:

• The Permanent Deputation is chaired by the Presidency of the Congress.
• It must have a minimum of 21 members.
• These members represent the Parliamentary Groups in proportion to their numerical importance in the Chamber (art. 56.1).
• The number of members is set “in accordance with the provisions of paragraph 1 of article 40” (art. 56.2).
• Each Group appoints its full members and an equal number of substitutes (art. 56.2).

Article 40.1, to which 56.2 refers, provides that the Congress Board sets, after hearing the Board of Spokespersons, the number of seats corresponding to each Group in the committees, in proportion to their numerical weight. This same scheme is applied to the Permanent Deputation.

2. Who initiates and who decides

In practice, the procedures to constitute or modify the Permanent Deputation follow this sequence:

• Initiative: promoted by the Presidency or the Congress Board, usually based on:
  • the initial constitution of the Chamber, or
  • subsequent changes (alterations in group composition, creation or dissolution of a group, deputies moving to the Mixed Group, vacancies, etc.).
• Determination of distribution: the Board, after hearing the Board of Spokespersons, applies proportionality criteria to:
  • set the total number of members (at least 21, possibly more), and
  • distribute those seats among the groups proportionally to their number of seats.
• Nominal appointment: each Parliamentary Group communicates in writing the names of:
  • its full members in the Permanent Deputation, and
  • an equal number of substitutes, who must belong to the same group.
• Approval by the Plenary: the proposed list of members is submitted to the Plenary for approval. A simple majority suffices, since it is an internal organization agreement, not a qualified legislative vote.

Although the Regulations do not detail an amendment procedure, in practice groups negotiate the distribution and names beforehand; the Plenary usually ratifies the agreement without major debates, through a single agenda item.

3. Timing and scope of modifications

The composition is normally decided:

• At the start of the legislature, once the Congress is constituted, in the same block of agreements that organize the internal structure (Board, committees, Permanent Deputation, etc.).
• During the legislature, when:
  • balances between groups change (creation or disappearance of a group, massive changes in affiliation), or
  • it is necessary to redistribute seats to maintain proportionality.

For specific substitutions of one person by another from the same group (due to resignation, death, incompatibility, etc.), a communication from the Group to the Presidency suffices, following by analogy the substitution regime of article 40.2 for committees. If the change alters the distribution among groups (not just names), the usual practice is to return to a formal Plenary agreement on the new composition.

4. Role of the Board and the Board of Spokespersons

The Congress Board has a central role:

• Determines the number of members of the Permanent Deputation and the distribution among groups, respecting proportionality.
• Qualifies the proposed agreement and submits it to the Plenary.

The Board of Spokespersons is heard by the Board and acts as a political negotiation forum:

• The size of the Permanent Deputation and the number of seats assigned to each group are discussed there.
• An agreement is sought before going to the Plenary to avoid conflicts in the vote.

5. Limits and material requirements

Summarizing the limits that must be respected:

• Minimum of 21 members (art. 56.1).
• Proportionality with respect to the numerical weight of the groups.
• Appointment by groups of full members and substitutes, who must be active deputies.
• Continuity after dissolution of the Chamber: its members, full and substitutes, maintain their functions until the constitution of the new Chamber, making a negotiated and stable composition especially relevant.

In short, to modify the composition of the Permanent Deputation, a agreement promoted by the Board, negotiated with the Board of Spokespersons, formalized by the groups, and approved by the Plenary is essential, within the proportionality and minimum framework set by the Regulations.

The President of the Congress, currently Francina Armengol, exercises a broad set of powers defined in the Regulations of the Congress of Deputies. These are not personal functions but inherent to the office of the Presidency of the Chamber, which acts as the highest internal authority of the Congress and a central figure in organizing its work.

Institutional representation and direction of the Chamber

According to the Regulations, the Presidency of the Congress holds the representation of the Chamber. This means that she leads the Congress in official acts, institutional relations, and formal communications with other branches of the State (Government, Senate, constitutional bodies) and external institutions. Additionally, she “ensures the smooth running of the work,” making her ultimately responsible for the daily proper functioning of the institution.

Direction of debates and maintenance of order

One of the most visible functions is the direction of plenary debates. The Presidency:

• Orders the development of Plenary sessions.
• Grants and withdraws the floor to deputies.
• Applies the agreed speaking times, often after hearing the Board of Spokespersons.
• Ensures respect for the Regulations during the debate.

Alongside this, the Regulations assign her the maintenance of order in sessions. She can call to order, warn, and if necessary, adopt regulatory disciplinary measures (for example, withdrawing the floor or expelling from the plenary chamber) to preserve the dignity of the Chamber and the normal development of debates.

Agenda, Congress Board, and Board of Spokespersons

The Presidency is also the axis of the internal organization of the Congress. She chairs the Congress Board, which is the governing body of the Chamber and holds its collegiate representation. According to the Regulations, the Presidency “directs and coordinates the action of the Board,” which is responsible for:

• Qualifying and deciding the admission or rejection of parliamentary writings and initiatives.
• Setting the calendar of activities for the Plenary and Committees.
• Determining the processing of matters.

Although these decisions formally belong to the Board, the Presidency, by chairing and coordinating it, has a decisive role in shaping the agenda and managing the parliamentary schedule.

She also chairs the Board of Spokespersons, which meets under her presidency and at her initiative or that of some groups or members of the Chamber. Through the Board, the political negotiation and weighing of the organization of debates, time distribution, and prioritization of matters take place, so the Presidency acts as an arbiter and coordinator of dialogue among groups.

Interpretation and application of the Regulations

The Regulations expressly assign the Presidency the function of complying with and enforcing the Regulations, interpreting them in case of doubt and supplementing them in cases of omission. This grants her significant parliamentary interpretative authority. When she intends to issue a general resolution exercising this supplementary function, she must have the favorable opinion of the Board and the Board of Spokespersons, introducing a collective check.

Economic-administrative powers

The Presidency also “orders the payments” of the Congress, without prejudice to delegations she may confer. In practice, this is integrated into her role as head of the Board, which prepares the Chamber's budget and directs its execution, but it emphasizes that the President is the highest authority in the internal economic-administrative sphere.

Relations with the Government and the Senate

In relations with the Government, numerous communications and requests are channeled “through the Presidency of the Congress”: requests for information from committees, transmission of agreements or reports, submission of proposals, etc. Likewise, the Presidency organizes the presence of Government members in the Plenary and committees, in coordination with the Board and the Board of Spokespersons.

In relations with the Senate, the Presidency acts as the Congress's representative in sending laws, communications, and agreements to the Upper Chamber, as well as in joint acts of the General Courts, in coordination with the Presidency of the Senate.

Role in the Permanent Deputation

The Regulations establish that the Permanent Deputation is chaired by the President of the Congress. This body acts when the Congress is not in session, when mandates have expired, or it is dissolved. The Presidency, therefore, maintains her leadership and representation functions in this body, decides its convening, and directs its sessions, ensuring the continuity of certain parliamentary powers between sessions and legislatures.

General clause of powers

Finally, the Regulations include a general clause whereby the Presidency performs all other functions conferred by the Constitution, laws, and the Regulations themselves. This includes, among others, participation in opening and closing acts of the legislature, management of judicial communications affecting deputies, and signing resolutions and certifications derived from parliamentary activity.

Before becoming the leader of Vox in 2014, Santiago Abascal's political trajectory took place almost entirely within the environment of the People's Party (PP), first in the Basque Country and later in the Community of Madrid. His career combines phases of youth militancy, elected municipal, provincial, and regional positions, as well as appointed political posts and activity in Spanish nationalism through the DENAES Foundation.

1. Origins and early steps in the Basque People's Party

Santiago Abascal Conde was born in Bilbao in 1976 and joined the Basque People's Party at a very young age, around 18–20 years old. Various biographies place his entry into the internal bodies of the Alavese PP in the mid-1990s, integrating into the provincial committee and later the party executive.

His first public projection came from the municipal sphere:

• 1999–2007: councilor in Llodio (Álava). At 23 years old, he was elected PP councilor in the Llodio (Laudio) City Council. He renewed the position for a second term and remained in the municipal corporation until 2007, in a context of strong political polarization and ETA's presence in Basque public life.

Alongside this local activity, Abascal occupied positions in the youth organization and the party's internal structure:

• 2000–2005: president of New Generations of the Basque PP. In November 2000, he was elected president of the PP youth in the Basque Country, a responsibility he held for about five years.
• During those years, he was part of the Basque PP leadership, consolidating a profile strongly identified with the hardest sector against Basque nationalism and ETA.

2. Provincial and parliamentary positions in Álava and the Basque Country

After his municipal experience, Abascal moved to the provincial and regional Basque institutions, always under the PP banner:

• 2003–2004: procurator in the General Assemblies of Álava. He served as a provincial representative in the parliament of this historic territory for about a year.
• 2004–2009: deputy in the Basque Parliament. He entered the Basque Parliament for Álava in 2004, initially replacing another PP leader, and held the seat until 2009. Some sources distinguish two successive stages (2004–2005 and 2005–2009), chaining legislatures.

In these years, he consolidated as a Basque PP figure strongly associated with the discourse defending Spain's unity, supporting terrorism victims, and confronting radical nationalism. He also assumed internal responsibilities, such as the Education Secretariat of the Basque PP from 2005.

3. DENAES Foundation and building a national profile

A key milestone in his trajectory is the creation of the Foundation for the Defense of the Spanish Nation (DENAES), promoted around 2006. According to consulted biographical profiles, Abascal was one of its main promoters and even presided over it.

DENAES was configured as a civic space defending Spain's unity against separatist projects. The entity strengthened Abascal's projection beyond the Basque Country, connecting him with intellectuals and activists positioned to the right of the PP and reinforcing his image as a reference of Spanish nationalism.

4. Move to the Community of Madrid: appointed positions

After leaving the Basque Parliament, Abascal linked to the Madrid regional administration, then presided over by Esperanza Aguirre (PP). Sources agree on two main positions:

• 2010–2012: director of the Data Protection Agency of the Community of Madrid. He was appointed to this political position around 2010 and remained until late 2012.
• 2012–2013: manager of the Foundation for Patronage and Social Sponsorship, also linked to the Community of Madrid.

These positions mark his transition from Basque representative politics to a more institutional and trusted role in the Madrid PP environment.

5. Break with the PP and move to Vox

In 2013, Abascal's break with the People's Party was consummated. That year, he made public a resignation letter from the PP very critical of Mariano Rajoy's leadership, accusing it of having moved away from the party's founding principles and showing weakness towards nationalism and corruption.

Soon after, he joined the founding core of Vox, registered as a party on December 17, 2013. Abascal was among its main promoters from the start and was elected president of the formation in 2014, outside the temporal scope of your question.

In summary, before leading Vox, Santiago Abascal's career is structured in four major stages: municipal and youth PP leader in Álava, provincial and Basque parliamentary representative, promoter of Spanish nationalism through DENAES, and high-trust official in the Community of Madrid, culminating in his break with the PP and his leap to the new political project of Vox.