Feijóo safeguards pensions in the campaign and promises to revalue them with the CPI if he reaches Moncloa after the 29N.

Feijóo commits to revalue the benefits according to the CPI and places productivity and economic growth as keys to guarantee the sustainability of the system.

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Alberto Núñez Feijóo has guaranteed this Tuesday the viability of the public pension system and has committed to revalue the benefits according to the CPI if he reaches Moncloa. Less than 50 days before the general elections on November 29 and on the eve of the annual pension update, the president of the PP has thus clarified one of the main unknowns about his social policy, although he has acknowledged the sustainability difficulties that the system faces.

"I am going to guarantee the viability of the public system", he stated in an interview on esRadio, in which he defended that Spain needs to improve its productivity to sustain pensions. Feijóo has assured that, under a possible PP Government, the economy will grow healthily, "and not through public spending".

The commitment to the revaluation of benefits adds to the messages that the parties are conveying to pensioners in the pre-campaign. VOX has also promised to update pensions, a position that Santiago Abascal recently defended in Estepona.

Vox is not the enemy of the PP

The relationship with VOX has been another of the issues addressed by Feijóo, who has rejected placing Santiago Abascal's formation as an adversary of the popular party. "Neither sanitary cordon nor umbilical cord", he summarized when referring to the relationship between both parties.

The leader of the PP has maintained that the shared objective must be to promote a political change in Spain, although he has claimed that it should be the popular party that leads the alternative to Pedro Sánchez's Executive. "The change that our country needs is above the PP," he stated.

Feijóo has defended that he aims to gather enough support to govern and quickly implement his proposals. His approach involves maintaining a respectful relationship with VOX, without renouncing the leadership of the PP in the alternative to the current Government.

Institutional regeneration and questions about Judge Biedma

Feijóo has placed institutional regeneration among the priorities of his political project. "We have to reset our country," he stated, while demanding compliance with the law, the separation of powers, and greater transparency in the functioning of the State.

In this context, he has attacked the Sánchez Government and has demanded explanations about the actions he attributes to the so-called "sewers." In particular, he has questioned who would have given instructions to follow Judge Biedma and who would have financed that operation. These are accusations made by the popular leader, who has demanded clarifications about the facts he has referred to.

"The Government must submit to the law. There must be a separation of powers", he has insisted. He has also questioned the composition and functioning of the Constitutional Court and has defended that the reconstruction of the institutions must be one of the objectives of a possible PP Executive.

"I am not going to amnesty the Sánchezism", he has assured, before stating that it is necessary to rebuild the institutions after the last eight years of Government. Feijóo has described this period as one of the worst moments of democracy and has stated that he has been preparing for four years to assume the responsibility of governing: "I know what I have to do."

In relation to the decision of the Supreme Court about the Grandchildren's Law, the president of the PP has defended that Spanish nationality cannot be granted without guarantees. "The Spanish passport cannot be given away," he has stated, before adding: "There is no democratic cleanliness if there is no cleanliness of the census."

Housing: "The most important eviction is that of Pedro Sánchez"

Housing has occupied another prominent part of the interview. Feijóo has defended that Spain needs to build more than a million homes and has proposed a new Land Law, more agile urban deadlines -with a maximum of 90 days- and tax reductions to facilitate access to purchase.

The popular leader has attributed the difficulties of the market to the intervention policies of rental and has pointed to Catalonia as an example of the consequences that, in his opinion, those measures have on the supply. He has described the Government's policy in this matter as "absolutely speculative" and has accused the Executive of intervening in the market in a way that, in his words, is typical of populist, communist, and far-left parties.

In that context, Feijóo has directed one of his harshest criticisms against the president of the Government. "The most important eviction that has to occur in Spain is that of Pedro Sánchez," he has stated. The leader of the PP has estimated nearly 300,000 evictions during Sánchez's term, at a rate of 97 daily, figures he has used to question the Government's housing policy.

"But what are you talking about?", he asked in reference to Sánchez and his calls to mobilize for housing. Feijóo has held the president responsible for the problems in the market and has criticized his meetings with investment funds during his trips to New York.

Morocco, borders, and security

On immigration and security matters, Feijóo has defended strengthening border protection and has demanded explanations from the Government for the presence of Moroccan frigates in waters near Ceuta. He has also supported the deployment of the Army in the autonomous city and has censured what he considers a lack of response from the Executive regarding issues affecting territorial integrity.

The president of the PP has defended that relations with Morocco must be based on "loyalty, good neighborliness, but firmness." "The territorial integrity of Spain is not negotiable," he has stated, in a message with which he has demanded that the Government guarantee the protection of national territory.

Feijóo sees the PP "plugged in" ahead of 29-N

The popular leader has assured that his party is "plugged in" and mobilized ahead of the elections on November 29, although he has warned that the result cannot be taken for granted. "We have the opportunity to change or to plunge into Sánchez's abyss," he has stated.

Feijóo has called on his voters to participate massively in the electoral event. "The street must manifest itself clearly, forcefully, and massively on 29N," he has proclaimed, while insisting that the political change he proposes is above the PP itself and its candidate.

The message contrasts with that of Pedro Sánchez conveyed on Monday in the circles with journalists during the reception at the Royal Palace for the National Day. The president of the Government expressed confidence that the PSOE would win the elections and return to govern, and assured that he had not perceived a mobilization of the progressive electorate of that magnitude since 2019, greater than that of the general elections of 2023.

Sánchez also questioned the polls that place the PP ahead and argued that they seek to encourage Feijóo. In contrast to that confidence, the popular leader has doubted the president's ability to mobilize citizens and has maintained that Sánchez finds signs of rejection when he goes out on the street.

More key points, information and questions with FREN

AI-GENERATED CONTENT

What is the current parliamentary status of the proposal to revalue pensions according to the CPI?

According to the official information available as of October 13, 2026, the “proposal to revalue pensions according to the CPI” is materially channeled through Royal Decree-Law 3/2026, of February 3, for the revaluation of public pensions and other urgent measures in Social Security matters, which the Congress has already ratified and decided to process as a bill. That is, the increase linked to the CPI is in force and, at the same time, the text continues its ordinary parliamentary processing.

1. Key initiative: Royal Decree-Law 3/2026 and its bill

The core of the revaluation according to the CPI is Royal Decree-Law 3/2026, whose purpose is the revaluation of pensions and other public benefits for 2026 at a percentage equivalent to the average of the CPI of the previous twelve months, resulting in a 2.7 %.

  • Ratification: The Plenary of the Congress ratified the decree on February 26, 2026, ensuring the validity of the increase.
  • Conversion into a bill: In that same session, the Congress agreed to process it as a bill by urgent procedure.
  • Files: In the parliamentary processing it appears as:
    • 130/000034 in its decree-law phase.
    • 121/000086 as the resulting bill.
  • Current phase: The bill is being processed in the Congress, with the deadline for submitting amendments extended until October 7, 2026. That is, it is in the amendment phase in committee, with full legislative competence.

In practical terms, this means that the revaluation already operates legally (by the ratified decree-law) and, at the same time, Parliament can introduce adjustments through amendments during the bill's processing.

2. Content of the revaluation linked to the CPI

The approved scheme for 2026, as derived from the decree-law and its subsequent developments, is as follows:

  • Contributory Social Security and Civil Service pensions: general increase of 2.7 %, calculated with the average interannual CPI of the twelve months prior to December 2025.
  • Minimum, non-contributory pensions and IMV: increases above the CPI (around 7 % for many minimum pensions and 11.4 % in the case of several non-contributory pensions and the Minimum Living Income), in line with the goal of improving the lowest amounts.
  • Maximum pension and maximum contribution bases: also updated taking into account the CPI and the additional coefficients provided in the pension reform.

All this responds to the general framework set by the 2021 reform, which links the annual update of pensions to the evolution of the consumer price index to maintain purchasing power.

3. Other related parliamentary initiatives

Besides the decree-law and its bill, there have been other parliamentary initiatives that pursued, more or less directly, the same objective of guaranteeing revaluation according to the CPI:

  • Popular Group's Bill in the Congress to guarantee the purchasing power of public pensions (file 122/000235): it was admitted for processing in December 2025 and awaited the debate for consideration. Its purpose was to safeguard the update according to the CPI, especially in a budget extension situation.
  • Junts per Catalunya Group's Bill to guarantee the purchasing power of public pensions (file 122/000252): it also established a 2.7 % revaluation for 2026, linked to the CPI and with territorial adjustments for cost of living. However, this initiative was withdrawn on March 20, 2026, so it is no longer in processing.
  • Initiatives in the Senate, such as the Popular Group's proposal (622/000091), have also urged the Government to guarantee the purchasing power of pensions, although their effective normative weight is subordinate to the decree-law and the Congress bill.

4. Summary of the parliamentary status

In summary, the “proposal to revalue pensions according to the CPI” is currently in this situation:

  • The revaluation is already approved and in force for 2026 through Royal Decree-Law 3/2026, ratified by the Congress.
  • That same norm is being processed as a bill (121/000086), currently in the amendment phase in committee, after successive deadline extensions.
  • Other bills that sought to ensure revaluation according to the CPI (from PP and Junts) have remained, at best, in a very initial phase, and in the case of Junts, withdrawn.

Therefore, the main parliamentary vehicle is alive in the Congress as a bill, but the substantive right to revaluation according to the CPI is already applied to the 2026 pensions.

Can you detail what amendments the different groups have presented to the Bill derived from Royal Decree-Law 3/2026? What differences exist between Royal Decree-Law 3/2026 and the bills from PP and Junts regarding pension revaluation? How would a possible early election affect the processing of this bill on CPI-linked pensions?

What are the main powers and functions of a Prime Minister according to the Spanish Constitution?

The Prime Minister is the central figure of the executive power in Spain. The 1978 Constitution defines his powers and functions mainly in articles 97, 98, 99, 112 to 115 and, by reference, in part of article 62 (which lists functions of the King exercised “at the proposal” or with the intervention of the Prime Minister). From these, his institutional role can be outlined quite precisely.

1. Direction of policy and Government (art. 97 CE)

The core function of the Prime Minister is to direct the Government's action and coordinate that of the other members of the Executive. This mainly involves:

  • Setting the major orientations of domestic and foreign policy, economic, social, and security.
  • Coordinating the work of the ministers, resolving conflicts between departments and setting priorities.
  • Ensuring the unity of the government line, so that the Government acts as a collegiate body with a coherent position before the Cortes Generales and public opinion.

The Government as a whole exercises executive function and regulatory power, but political leadership and cohesion of that body rest with the Prime Minister.

2. Appointment and dismissal: relationship with the King and the Cortes (arts. 99 and 114 CE)

The Prime Minister's powers are closely linked to the parliamentary principle: the Prime Minister must have the confidence of the Congress of Deputies.

  • Investiture (art. 99): he is proposed by the King, after consultations with political groups, and needs the confidence of the Congress through an investiture vote.
  • Appointment and dismissal of ministers (art. 100 and art. 62, letter i)): the King appoints and removes ministers at the Prime Minister's proposal. In practice, the Government's composition is the Prime Minister's political decision.
  • Government dismissal (art. 101): the Government ceases when it resigns or loses the Congress's confidence; the Prime Minister is the center of that confidence relationship.

These rules reflect that presidential power is democratically conditioned by the parliamentary majority that supports it.

3. Political responsibility before the Congress (arts. 108, 112–114 CE)

The Constitution articulates several political responsibility mechanisms centered on the Prime Minister:

  • Joint responsibility of the Government before the Congress (art. 108): the Government answers as a whole, but the Prime Minister is its main political responsible.
  • Vote of confidence (art. 112): the Prime Minister can submit a vote of confidence to the Congress on his program or a general policy declaration. If lost, he must resign.
  • Motion of censure (art. 113): the Congress can demand the Government's responsibility through a motion of censure that must be constructive, i.e., proposing an alternative candidate for the premiership.
  • Obligation to resign (art. 114): if a vote of confidence is rejected or a motion of censure is approved, the Prime Minister and his Government must cease.

These instruments ensure that the exercise of the Prime Minister's powers is constantly subject to parliamentary control.

4. Dissolution of Chambers and calling elections (art. 115 CE)

One of the most relevant powers of the Prime Minister is his intervention in the electoral cycle:

  • The Prime Minister can propose to the King the dissolution of the Congress, the Senate, or the Cortes Generales, which leads to the calling of general elections.
  • This power has temporal and material limits: it cannot be exercised while a motion of censure is pending nor before one year has passed since a previous dissolution.

Although formally the dissolution is agreed by the King, the initiative and political decision correspond to the Prime Minister.

5. Functions in relation to the King and other constitutional bodies

Several of the King's functions are exercised “at the proposal” of the Prime Minister or with his countersignature, which in practice gives the Prime Minister a key position:

  • Proposal of appointments (art. 62): magistrates of the Constitutional Court, members of other bodies, senior officials, etc., are designated at the initiative or with the intervention of the Prime Minister and his Government.
  • Countersignature of the King's acts (art. 64): the Prime Minister (or the competent ministers) countersigns the King's acts, assuming political responsibility for them.
  • Participation in exceptional situations: in states of alarm, exception, and siege (arts. 116 and legal development), the Government —led by the Prime Minister— proposes their declaration and manages their effects, always under parliamentary control.

6. Representation and general political direction

Although the Constitution does not list exhaustively, it can be inferred from its provisions that the Prime Minister:

  • Politically represents the Government before the Cortes Generales and vis-à-vis other State powers.
  • Leads the Executive's foreign action, in coordination with the King as Head of State and the Minister of Foreign Affairs.
  • Is the main figure of political direction of the country, being the link between the parliamentary majority and the Government's action.

In summary, according to the Constitution, the Prime Minister concentrates the direction of general policy, coordination of the Executive, initiative in the formation and dismissal of the Government, a decisive role in the dissolution of the Cortes, and constant political responsibility before the Congress of Deputies.

Could you explain in more detail how the investiture procedure of the Prime Minister works? What differences does the Constitution establish between the Prime Minister and the King regarding their functions and powers? How are the motion of censure and the vote of confidence regulated in detail in the Spanish Constitution?

What legal requirements must a new Land Law in Spain meet to be approved?

A new state Land Law must simultaneously meet requirements of competence, form, procedure, and material limits to be valid and applicable. It is not just about obtaining a majority in the Congress, but about respecting the constitutional distribution of competences and the Constitutional Court (TC) jurisprudence.

1. Distribution of competences between State and Autonomous Communities

The Constitution distinguishes between:

  • Autonomous competence in land planning, urbanism, and housing: art. 148.1.3 CE allows Autonomous Communities to assume these matters, and in fact almost all have done so in their Statutes. “Detailed” urban planning laws are basically autonomous.
  • State competences that serve as a basis for a Land Law, especially:
    • Art. 149.1.1 CE: basic conditions that guarantee equality of all Spaniards in the exercise of rights and duties (for example, minimum content of land property rights).
    • Art. 149.1.8 CE: civil legislation (property regime, valuations, expropriation).
    • Art. 149.1.18 CE: bases of the legal regime of public administrations and common administrative procedure (enabling titles, licenses, etc.).

The TC jurisprudence on various land laws has established an essential rule: the State can enact “bases” and basic conditions (general framework of land property, valuations, rights and duties of owners, principles of urban action), but cannot regulate detailed urbanism nor empty the autonomous competence of content.

2. Normative instrument and type of law

The state Land Law is an ordinary law with basic character (not an organic law), which:

  • Defines the state bases applicable throughout the territory.
  • Leaves to the Autonomous Communities the legislative development and urban execution.
  • Can be a new law or a partial reform of the existing legislation, through another ordinary law.

3. Who can propose it (legislative initiative)

According to the Constitution (arts. 87 and 88) and parliamentary regulations, a new Land Law can be initiated by:

  • The Government, through a bill (the most common route for complex base laws).
  • The Congress, through bills from parliamentary groups or 15 deputies.
  • The Senate, through bills.
  • The autonomous legislative assemblies, sending bills to the Cortes.

The Government can oppose the processing of a bill if it implies increased expenditure or reduced State income (art. 134.6 CE).

4. Parliamentary processing and majorities

The procedure is the general one for an ordinary law:

  • Admission for processing and publication in the Congress or Senate Bulletin after the Board's decision.
  • Debate on the entirety in the Plenary (with the possibility of total amendments with alternative text).
  • Amendments to the articles, work in Committee and approval of a report.
  • Plenary of the Congress (origin chamber) that debates and votes the report and live amendments.
  • Referral to the Senate, which can approve, amend, or veto the text.

If the Senate vetoes the bill, the Congress can override the veto:

  • By absolute majority in the first vote; or
  • By simple majority (more yes than no votes) once two months have passed.

The final approval of the ordinary law requires a simple majority in the decisive vote in the Congress. Then, the sanction and promulgation by the King and publication in the BOE occur; the law comes into force on the date provided or, by default, after 20 days.

5. Material limits and constitutional control

Besides respecting the distribution of competences, a Land Law must:

  • Respect the right to property and its social function (art. 33 CE), avoiding deprivation without justified cause or compensation when appropriate.
  • Guarantee basic equality in access and exercise of rights (arts. 14 and 149.1.1 CE), without arbitrary discrimination between territories or groups.
  • Integrate the mandates of environmental protection (art. 45 CE) and the objective of making effective the right to decent housing (art. 47 CE), as well as respect for local autonomy (arts. 137 and 140 CE).
  • Respect general principles: legal certainty, non-retroactivity of unfavorable provisions, reservation of law to limit rights, etc. (art. 9.3 CE).

Once approved and in force, the law can be subject to constitutional challenge before the Constitutional Court by the legitimized subjects (Government, 50 deputies or 50 senators, executive bodies and assemblies of the Autonomous Communities). The TC can annul provisions that exceed state competences or violate constitutional rights and principles.

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