The EU wants to restrict the purchase of second homes in tense areas.

Consult in Demócrata the complete draft of the Affordable Housing Law with which Brussels proposes to establish for the first time a European framework to restrict certain home purchases and tourist rentals in areas with residential stress.

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P 069877 00 27 01 ORIGINAL 231396

P 069877 00 27 01 ORIGINAL 231396

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One of the objectives of the President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, for her second term is not explained solely through geopolitics, competitiveness, or the state of community defense. However, it directly affects practically the Twenty-Seven Member States and one of the issues that the President herself defined as a "social crisis": access to housing.

This Wednesday will see the D day of the European strategy to address the housing crisis, with the presentation by the community executive of its anticipated initiative on affordable housing. After several delays, Brussels will put on the table a new regulatory framework aimed at establishing common criteria so that national, regional, and local authorities can adopt certain restrictions when there are documented problems of access to housing. The Commission is aware that the European Union does not have direct competence over housing policy. Therefore, its proposal does not intend to replace national policies or establish a European price control regime, but rather to set the conditions under which certain interventions by public authorities may be considered compatible with the community framework.

The drafts of the regulation that Demócrata has accessed focus its application on two specific types of measures that local public authorities can adopt. The first concerns restrictions on the provision of short-term rental accommodation services in residential properties. The second refers to measures aimed at limiting the acquisition of certain homes that will not be used as a primary residence.

Brussels does not propose, therefore, to intervene directly on the caps on residential rental prices, housing subsidies, or general tax measures adopted by the Member States. The proposal establishes, instead, a specific procedure for those local restrictions that may affect the functioning of the market and certain economic rights. To activate these measures, authorities must first demonstrate that the affected territory constitutes a "residential stress area". The declaration cannot be made arbitrarily, but must be based on an assessment based on objective, transparent, and verifiable data.

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Three conditions to declare a stressed area

The draft establishes three cumulative requirements to prove the existence of residential stress. The first will be a threshold of affordability, calculated based on the relationship between the average purchase price of a home in the corresponding area and the median of the disposable income of the local population. The objective is to determine to what extent the cost of access to property has become disconnected from the economic capacity of households.

The second requirement will be the evolution of this ratio. It will not be enough to prove that housing is currently unaffordable: the relationship between prices and income must have increased continuously over the previous ten years.

The third element introduces a prospective dimension. Authorities must demonstrate that it is unlikely that housing stress will decrease in the following three years, taking into account variables such as demographic evolution, available supply, and housing demand. The territorial delimitation will also be subject to the principle of proportionality. Areas declared in a state of stress must be limited strictly to the scope necessary to address the proven problem. They may include specific neighborhoods or districts up to entire municipalities, but they cannot automatically extend to broader territories without sufficient justification.

The declaration will not be enough: causality must be demonstrated

The declaration of an area as a residential stress zone will be a necessary condition, but not sufficient to impose restrictions. Authorities must also pass a second test: that of causality. In the case of short-term tourist rentals, authorities must demonstrate through objective data that this activity has had an adverse impact on the availability of residential housing in the specific area for at least the three years prior to the adoption of the measure.

The same principle will apply to the restrictions on the acquisition of housing that will not constitute a primary residence. Authorities must demonstrate that these operations are effectively contributing to the deterioration of the availability of housing for permanent residence. The regulatory architecture of Brussels thus introduces a relevant distinction: it will not be enough to identify a stressed area; it will have to be demonstrated that the activity that is intended to be restricted is contributing to the problem that is intended to be solved. In practical terms, the rule will allow for the limitation, in certain areas with serious access problems to housing, of certain operations linked to uses that do not provide residential stability to the local community, such as second homes or certain tourist uses. The objective will be to preserve the availability of homes intended to become permanent homes.

The consulted sources indicate that any restriction must comply with stringent requirements of proportionality and protection of rights. One of the most relevant limits directly affects short-term rentals. Municipalities will not be able to impose restrictions when the owner is offering their own primary residence. The logic of Brussels is that this type of activity does not necessarily imply a structural withdrawal of stock from the residential market in the long term and, therefore, cannot automatically receive the same treatment as commercial activities.

Parliamentary sources acknowledge that this point could become one of the elements of greatest tension during future negotiations of the text. Restrictions on housing that do not constitute a primary residence must primarily target those activities that, due to their commercial nature and intensity, present a greater likelihood of reducing the availability of housing for long-term residential uses.

The European regulation on tourist rentals, as a requirement

In the case of restrictions on short-term rentals, the competent authorities must be effectively applying and enforcing the European Regulation on Short-Term Rentals (STR). This implies that the tools provided by the European regulations regarding host registration, data verification, information exchange, and enforcement of orders to withdraw listings that lack a valid registration must be operational.

The Commission thus aims to prevent new restriction instruments from becoming isolated or difficult to supervise mechanisms. Local intervention must be integrated into the European system of traceability and control of short-term accommodations.

The drafts also introduce specific mechanisms to prevent local restrictions from becoming permanent, arbitrary, or disproportionate barriers. Before a measure comes into effect, the city council must openly publish the relevant information, including the assessment of residential stress, the justification for the intervention, and the exact territorial and material scope of the restriction.

Furthermore, the measures cannot be established indefinitely. The councils must subject them to a periodic review, at least every five years, with the aim of verifying whether the conditions that justified their adoption continue to be met. The regulatory philosophy of Brussels is clear: restrictions on demand must function as temporary and conditional instruments, not as substitutes for a structural housing policy.

The structural solution?

The Commission starts from a premise: limiting certain forms of demand can partially alleviate pressure on the market, but does not itself resolve the structural housing deficit. Therefore, the community executive proposes to complement these measures with long-term strategies aimed at increasing the supply of affordable and social housing.

Among the recommended actions are the reform of building codes, the streamlining of urban licensing procedures, the development of projects in degraded urban areas, and the conversion of non-residential buildings for residential use. The new regulatory architecture seeks, ultimately, to establish a balance between the competencies of local authorities, the protection of the residential market, and the principles of the internal market.

For Brussels, the new framework should also provide greater regulatory predictability to the tourism sector and real estate operators. Companies and freelancers will be able to know more precisely under what technical parameters, in which territories, and for how long certain restrictions can be applied. The Commission's ultimate goal is to reduce regulatory fragmentation and arbitrariness between territories, establishing a common methodology to justify interventions in the housing market.

Housing thus becomes one of the new regulatory fronts of von der Leyen's second term: Brussels will not set how much a home can cost nor will it replace States in their housing policies, but it does want to establish the rules under which local authorities can intervene when they can demonstrate, with data, that there is residential stress and that a certain activity is contributing to aggravating it.

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AI-GENERATED CONTENT

At what stage of parliamentary processing is the European proposal on affordable housing, and what are its next steps for approval?

As of today, what is generally called the “European proposal on affordable housing” is structured in two distinct parts: the European Affordable Housing Plan already presented by the Commission and the future European Affordable Housing Law that has not yet been formalized as a legislative proposal. This is key to understanding at what stage of parliamentary processing we are.

1. What exists and what does not: plan vs. law

On December 16, 2025, the Commission presented the first European Affordable Housing Plan, a political and programmatic package that includes a communication, a recommendation to the Council, a European strategy for housing construction, and the revision of State aid rules, among other elements (Commission note). This plan is not itself a law subject to the ordinary legislative procedure, but a framework of action that the Commission can apply largely without a new directive or regulation.

At the same time, the Commission has announced and is preparing a “EU Affordable Housing Law” intended to provide a European regulatory framework for issues such as short-term rentals and other tools to ease pressure on residential markets. Regarding this future law, Demócrata reports that:

  • In March 2026, the Commission launches a public consultation to gather proposals for that future law, open until late March and early April (Demócrata).
  • The Commission itself states that this law should “complement the plan announced in December” and provide tools to Member States.

That is: the law as such has not yet been formally presented (there is no COM proposal... registered yet), so the legislative procedure has not been activated in the European Parliament or the Council.

2. Current stage of parliamentary processing

Given the above, we can distinguish two levels:

  • Non-binding parliamentary level: the European Parliament has worked through a Special Committee on the Housing Crisis (HOUS), which in February 2026 approved its final report with recommendations on the housing crisis and on how to implement the European Affordable Housing Plan (European Parliament note). In March 2026, the Plenary gave the green light to that report, calling for a European Affordable Housing Plan and more construction and administrative simplification (Demócrata). These are political resolutions and reports, not directly applicable legislation.
  • Strict legislative level: regarding the European Affordable Housing Law, as of September 2026 there is no legislative text from the Commission in parliamentary reading phase. What is underway is:
    • The Commission's public consultation to design the legislative initiative.
    • The political dialogue with Parliament and the Council, which have repeatedly requested this regulatory framework.
    From a legal-procedural point of view, the initiative is therefore in a pre-legislative phase (internal drafting within the Commission).
3. Next steps until approval

Based on the available information, the expected sequence of formal steps is as follows:

  • Closing of the public consultation and analysis of contributions by the Commission.
  • Drafting and collegial adoption, by the Commission, of a formal legislative proposal (directive or regulation on affordable housing and, likely, on short-term rentals).
  • Submission of that proposal to the European Parliament and the Council, with assignment to the competent parliamentary committee (likely the HOUS committee or another competent in housing/internal market).
  • In Parliament: appointment of a rapporteur, period of amendments, negotiation among groups, committee vote and subsequent Plenary vote (first reading).
  • In parallel, the Council will debate the proposal in its working groups and competent Council formation, until agreeing on its position.
  • If the positions of Parliament and Council differ, trilogues (interinstitutional negotiations) will be opened until a compromise text is reached.
  • Finally, formal approval by Parliament and Council, publication in the Official Journal of the EU, and if it is a directive, transposition by Member States within the set deadlines.

In summary: today there is no “European affordable housing law” already in parliamentary reading, but a political plan approved by the Commission and reports from Parliament that promote it, while the legislative proposal is still in preparation within the Commission. The real parliamentary processing steps (readings, amendments, trilogues, and final approval) will begin when that proposal is formally presented.

What are the powers and attributions of the President of the European Commission regarding housing according to the EU treaties?

The EU Treaties do not grant the President of the European Commission specific and direct powers in “housing matters” as such. Housing is primarily considered a competence of the Member States (and even regional and local levels), and the Union only intervenes indirectly through policies such as the internal market, economic, social and territorial cohesion, environment, or combating social exclusion.

That said, the President of the Commission does have a set of general attributions, defined in the Treaties, that allow her to influence any Union policy in which the Commission has room for action, including the European dimension of housing. These attributions derive mainly from Article 17 of the Treaty on European Union (TEU) and, to a lesser extent, from the Treaty on the Functioning of the EU (TFEU).

1. Absence of a specific material competence in housing

In the Treaties, housing does not appear as a sectoral policy with its own legal basis (unlike, for example, agricultural or transport policy). What does exist is:

  • Shared competence of the Union in areas affecting housing, such as economic, social and territorial cohesion, environment, internal market, or energy, where rules can be adopted that impact the housing stock (energy efficiency, rehabilitation funds, combating energy poverty, etc.).
  • Supporting, coordinating or complementary competences in social policies, combating exclusion, consumer protection, where housing appears as a relevant factor (access, affordability, evictions, homelessness).

Therefore, the President of the Commission does not have, according to the Treaties, a “housing portfolio” of her own, but acts through the Commission’s general competences in those related areas.

2. General functions of the President according to Article 17 TEU

Article 17 TEU establishes that the Commission:

  • Promotes the general interest of the Union and takes the appropriate initiatives to that end.”
  • Practically holds the almost exclusive monopoly on legislative initiative at the EU level.

Within this institution, the President has several key attributions:

  • Set the general political orientation of the Commission, defining priorities (for example, deciding that housing affordability or energy rehabilitation of the residential stock are priority axes of a social or climate agenda).
  • Distribute and reassign portfolios among Commissioners (housing is usually distributed among portfolios such as Cohesion, Employment and Social Affairs, Internal Market, Energy or Environment). Although the President does not “legislate on housing,” she decides who within the College takes on the files that affect it.
  • Direct the work of the Commission and convene its meetings, deciding which sectoral proposals or strategies (including those impacting housing) advance, are delayed, or reformulated.
  • Represent the Commission before the European Council and the European Parliament, defending initiatives with impact on housing (structural funds, energy efficiency targets in buildings, State aid frameworks for social housing, etc.).
3. Capacity for initiative and proposals impacting housing

In practice, the President’s competences in housing are embodied in her power to promote or block proposals within the Commission’s material scope. Through the collegial mechanism she can:

  • Promote legislative projects on building energy efficiency, internal market rules affecting short-term rentals, protection of mortgage consumers, etc.
  • Promote strategies or coordination frameworks on combating homelessness, social inclusion policies linked to housing, or urban rehabilitation plans.
  • Guide the use of European funds (cohesion funds, European Social Fund+, recovery and resilience programs) towards investments in affordable housing, rehabilitation, and urban regeneration, always within existing legal bases.

These decisions are not “housing competences” in the strict sense, but they show how the President, using her transversal attributions, substantially influences the European dimension of housing.

4. Essential limits

The Treaties impose clear limits:

  • The principles of attribution, subsidiarity and proportionality apply: the Union can only act where it has a legal basis and when action at the European level is justified compared to national or local action.
  • Member States retain primary competence over the organization, financing, legal regime and planning of housing (public housing stock, rent regulation, land use planning, etc.).

In summary, according to the EU Treaties the President of the Commission does not have a specific material competence in housing, but has broad political and initiative powers within the Commission that allow her to guide, coordinate and prioritize all Union policies impacting housing, always within the legal bases and competence limits set out in the TEU and TFEU.

Could you detail which specific articles of the TEU and TFEU are most relevant for the EU's action in housing matters? Which EU financial instruments typically support European action related to affordable housing and rehabilitation? How are responsibilities over housing practically divided among the European Commission, the European Parliament, and the Council?

What national regulations currently govern restrictions on the purchase of second homes in Spain?

In the Spanish national legal system, there is currently no national law that establishes a general prohibition or a maximum quota for the purchase of second homes. What exists is a framework of rules that indirectly affect the acquisition and use of a dwelling that is not the main residence, especially in matters of national defense, coasts, and taxation, and a distribution of competences that leaves much of the housing and urban planning regulation in the hands of autonomous communities and municipalities.

1. General housing framework

The current basic state regulation on housing is Law 12/2023, of May 24, on the right to housing (text in BOE). This law:

  • Sets general principles on the right to housing, social function of property, and planning of housing stock.
  • Regulates instruments such as tensioned residential market zones, information to buyers and tenants, and certain limits on rent updates.
  • Strengthens public intervention on protected and affordable housing.

In the analysis of its text, there are no specific references to “second home” or “non-primary residence.” That is, it does not establish a differentiated state regime for the purchase of homes as second residences; it focuses on guaranteeing access to housing in general, leaving urban planning details, land classification, or protected housing mainly to regional regulations.

2. Areas of interest for National Defense and property by foreigners

Where there is restrictive state regulation, relevant for certain second homes, is in areas of interest for National Defense and zones with restricted property access for foreigners. The core of this regulation is:

  • Law 8/1975, of March 12, on zones and installations of interest for National Defense (text in BOE), and its regulatory development by Royal Decree 689/1978, of February 10 (text in BOE).

This law:

  • Defines security zones and zones with restricted property access for foreigners around military installations and in certain sensitive areas.
  • Establishes that, in these zones, acquisition of real estate by foreigners (and by companies with majority foreign capital) is subject to prior authorization from the Ministry of Defense and percentage limits on the surface or number of properties that can be held by foreigners.

These restrictions do not distinguish between primary or second residence: they affect any acquisition by foreigners in these zones. But in practice, many purchases of holiday homes (second residences of non-residents or foreign residents) may be subject to this regime when located in areas declared of interest for Defense.

3. Coastal regime and coastal urban planning

Another key piece is coastal legislation, especially:

  • Law 22/1988, of July 28, on Coasts (text in BOE), amended by Law 2/2013, of May 29 (text in BOE), and its development by Royal Decree 876/2014, of October 10 (text in BOE).

This regulatory block:

  • Delimits the maritime-terrestrial public domain and protection and transit easements over the coastal strip.
  • Strongly restricts building or expanding constructions on first lines of the coast, and subjects many actions to administrative authorization.

Again, the coastal law does not prohibit “buying a second home” as such, but limits construction, expansion or legalization of homes in certain coastal strips, which effectively conditions the market for second homes on the coast.

4. Taxation and non-primary residence

In the tax field, the differentiation between main residence and others (including second homes) derives mainly from:

  • Law 35/2006, of November 28, on Personal Income Tax, through its successive amendments, including Law 26/2014, of November 27 (text in BOE), which adjusts the tax treatment of the main residence and related deductions.
  • Royal Legislative Decree 2/2004, of March 5, approving the consolidated text of the Law Regulating Local Treasuries (text in BOE), which regulates taxes such as IBI and allows surcharges and discounts that can differentiate main residence from others.

These rules do not prevent buying second homes, but penalize non-primary residences fiscally compared to main residences (for example, in the treatment in personal income tax or possible local surcharges on vacant homes), which acts as an economic disincentive, not as a legal prohibition on purchase.

5. Conclusion

In summary, at the state level:

  • There is no national regulation that, generally and directly, limits or prohibits the purchase of second homes by individuals.
  • There are sectoral restrictions relevant:
    • In areas of interest for National Defense and zones with restricted access for foreigners (Law 8/1975 and regulatory development).
    • In the maritime-terrestrial public domain and its surroundings (Law 22/1988, Law 2/2013 and RD 876/2014).
    • In the less favorable tax treatment of non-primary residences compared to main residences (personal income tax and local treasuries).

The rest of the limits (for example, on protected housing, tourist uses, or quantitative restrictions in certain areas) largely come from regional and municipal regulations, not from a uniform national regulation on second homes.

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